Platypuses

Platypuses Phylum Chordata classifies some of the most unique animals of our time. These animals all are common in a certain way. All chordates have vertebrae, a notochord that runs beneath the dorsal nerve cord, and pharyngeal slits or openings in the throat. Additionally, all chordates have a post-anal tail that is almost always lost, a closed circulatory system and lastly, a beating heart. These derived features indicate their common ancestry.Although this phylum contains animals with many structural similarities, evolution and adaptations to selected environments forced animals to change to be able to survive and reproduce. A member of Phylum Chordata, the platypus is just one of these thousands of animals that have to compete to make a name for itself in its environment. It’s amazing how these chordates evolved from simple little organisms like tunicates to complex terrestrial amniotes like mammals. The platypus or Ornithorhynchus anatinus is an animal of Phylum Chordata. This bizarre animal is about the size of a house cat and is covered by thick waterproof hair. Platypuses have a beak like a duck, webbed forearms swimming, clawed hind feet for aid in burrowing, and a broad, flat beaver tail. Also, platypuses have a common opening for the reproductive, excretory, and digestive systems. Male platypuses have sharp venomous stingers on the heels of their hind feet to intoxicate any foe that threatens it. Males are also larger than females in size being 20 inches long and females only being about 17 inches.Their average weight is roughly three to five pounds. Platypuses’ jaws are built differently than other mammals. They have extra bones in their jaw and different muscles. It is a very unique animal and was hard to classify by scientists because it is a monotreme. Being a monotreme, platypuses are one of a few species of mammals that can lay eggs. Also, monotremes are known to have a sese of electroreception. This means that they can locate thei r prey by detecting electric fields formed by muscle contractions. This ties in with the platypus’ feeding modes.It feeds by neither sight nor smell, closing its eyes, ears, and nose each time it dives. Rather, when it digs in the bottom of streams with its bill, its electroreceptors detect tiny electrical currents generated by muscular contractions of its prey, enabling it to distinguish between animate and inanimate objects, which continuously stimulate its mechanoreceptors. They scoop up insects and larvae, shellfish, and worms in their bill along with bits of gravel and mud from the bottom. All this material is stored in cheek pouches and, at the surface, mashed for consumption.Platypuses do not have teeth, so the bits of gravel help them to â€Å"chew† their meal. The platypus has an advantage being semi-aquatic. They inhabit small streams and rivers around cold highlands of Tasmania and the Australian Alps to tropical rainforests of Queensland. In these places, t he population of platypuses is plentiful but not really anywhere else on the globe it seems. Also, platypuses can survive living in burrows as well. They’re generally regarded as nocturnal and crepuscular. This means that they are primarily active during the twilight more than during the daytime.Platypuses are known to be capable of making noises, but these have rarely been heard. Their call is a throaty, clucking sound, and they can also communicate by growling at each other. It is used when they are in danger. Other times it is used a behavioural method to attract mates to produce healthy and strong offspring. Platypuses like to live alone, but they can sometimes share small areas of water together. As you can see, platypuses have strange habitats and communication methods for a mammal.Platypuses are one of few mammals that lay eggs instead of giving birth to live young. The females seal themselves inside one of the burrow's chambers to lay their eggs from winter to spring. A mother typically produces one or two eggs and keeps them warm by holding them between her body and her tail. The eggs hatch in about ten days, and after, the tiny babies (called puggles) drinks their mother’s milk, which comes from tiny openings in the mother’s belly. The puggles are completely helpless when they are born and are about the size of lima beans.Females nurse their young for three to four months until the babies can swim on their own. Duck-billed Platypuses have a life span of 10 – 12 years. The platypus is unknown to its contribution to its environment. In the past, the number of platypuses decreased due to pollution effects, being hunted for its thick fur as well as being the prey of foxes, snakes, and eels. These days, the platypus population increased because of being put in captivity by the Australian government. They play a crucial role in the food web of streams by foraging on small aquatic invertebrates.Now, they are not under any immedia te threats in their environments. In conclusion, animals are living organism that feeds on organic matter, typically having specialized sense organs and nervous system and able to respond rapidly to stimuli. The platypus possesses all these qualities being a sustainable chordate that plays a part in an environment. Its uniqueness of being a hodgepodge of various different animals interested my mind in finding information about its behaviors. The platypus is a one-of-a-kind animal†¦chordate†¦ mammal†¦monotreme†¦thing!

Garrett Morgan

Seems like the flowers blossom and the skies full of joy, Garrett, oh young Garrett, are you also full of joy? Born in downtown, hated by rotten white neighbors, Who in his young mind would color in corps? He walked in the path of color, Did not taste a new kind of flavor, Wrapped in a slim black coat, Seems like living in a moat. You are like an ant, traveling in many ways, Guided not by the contours of the great minds, But the sting of a many a scorpions’ tongues, Such a scorpion is a man, lying in another man’s arms.He speaks of books, but could not fathom such, He tells of nails and numbers, but hunger enters, How long will his pain matters, So long as the heart beats and beaten. Now comes a group of his mates, Black birds flying in white rotten sky, How long shall they remain in their smile shy? The fruits of mouth are very sharp. Now Garrett is turned into a dove, Putting white color in his black skin hove, He remarks, â€Å"I will be in their hove. † But f rustrated as he is, failed and shoved. Crying and heaving heart feelings, He trembles in distaste hangings,Came a man of fancy bringing, Offers him a bead of woven linen. Alas, I came to save you from the bondages of your own misery! The tunnels are empty and danger woven, I bring light to thee, I act on the premise of my wrath, I tremble on the problems of others’ hat, I smile on the mask’s facade, The gas saves and saving. The roads are jammed and blurry, But I bring order and merry. At last, I’m in the annals of history. This poem is generally about a poor black boy (Garrett Morgan- child of former slaves) who wanted to become a member of the white society.Born into a poor family, he strove hard to be accepted by the society. Because of poverty, he stopped studying. All he could do now was imitate the fashion of the white society. The first step was to become â€Å"white† in the sense of changing the color of her skin. He failed miserably, noting that even if his skin changes, his identity will remain black, his ancestry will remain black. However, his status in society did not prevent him from making accomplishments. He invented the traffic lights and military gas mask: one of the symbols of modern society.

An Overview of Capitalism Using the Method of Marxism

An Overview of Capitalism Using the Method of Marxism Marxian theories against capitalism Historical materialism Marx’s theory of historical materialism, inspired by Hegel’s phenomenology, stated that both human societies and cultural institutions resulted from economic activity. Unlike Hegel who stated that abstract ideas were the cause of change, however, Marx proposed that material, economic forces, and their relationship with the natural, biological and physical world, were the determining proponents of dialectical change. History rests in the internal contradictions in the system of material production (producing what people need for survival), and other factors that have influenced society, such as geographical movement and growth of population, were not as determinant as the mode of production. Any changes in the material and economic conditions of a society also imply changes in its social relations. Social change, then, resulted from internal conflicts in a society’s economy. The social reality determines human consciousness. The mode of production is composed of two aspects: the productive forces and men’s relations of production. The productive forces include the instruments of production wherewith material values needed for survival, such as food, clothing, shelter, fuel, etc., are produced and the people who use these instruments in the production of material values through their production experience and labor skill. Men’s relations of productions, on the other hand, refer to the relations the people make with each other during production. These may come in the form of cooperation and mutual help, and in domination and subordination. Marx regarded revolutions not as political accidents, but manifestations of the historical progress of societies. Revolutions occur when modes of production â€Å"mature†, or contradict themselves to the point that they eventually collapse. Marx recounts human history in terms of four modes of production. The first mode of production, named asiatic, was considered as primitive communism, It was characterized by a communal ownership of land and essential economic resources. This mode of production was phased out when physically stronger people instituted the concept of private property. The ancient mode of production gave authority to people with physical, political and material strength – the masters while the non-owning class were slaves. Slaves were treated as commodities and made to engage in torturous menial and physical labor. This started a revolution of the slaves against their masters. The feudal mode of production was characterized, again, by two classes: feudal lords and serfs. Lords owned the land, and their job was to lease land and employ agricultural labor in their lands. The serfs worked in the lands and paid taxes in exchange for the lords’ protection. Like in the ancient mode of production, the serfs revolted against the lords. Industrialism grew becaus e of the revolution. Finally, the capitalistic mode of production, and the one Marx was most bothered with, caused the migration from rural to urban areas. There were two working classes as well: the bourgeoisie, who owned most of society’s wealth and means of production, and the proletariats, who rendered service for survival. Marx wanted that the exploitation present since the ancient mode of production would dispel, and so proposed socialism and communism. Socialism is the beginning stage wherein society is classless, while communism is the final stage wherein equality has been thoroughly implemented and private property and ownership are absent. Alienation The Marxist definition of alienation means that man does not experience himself as the acting agent in his grasp of the world, but that the world remains alien to him. The process of alienation is expressed in work and the division of labor, especially due to the emergence of capitalism and private property. Eventually, labor rules over the man and becomes a power independent of its producer. Man’s identity and consciousness of himself and his world becomes marred. â€Å"The object produced by labor, its product, now stands opposed to it as an alien being, as a power independent of the producer. The product of labor is labor which has been embodied in an object and turned into a physical thing; this product is an objectification of labor† Marx seeks the liberation of man from labor that destroys his individuality through his criticism of capitalism. Capitalist production, according to him, transforms the relations of individuals into qualities of things, and exploits its producers like machines through aliented labor. He differentiates proper work and alienated labor as thus: â€Å"Man no longer reproduces himself merely intellectually, as in consciousness, but actively and in a real sense, and he sees his own reflection in a world which he has constructed. While, therefore, alienated labor takes away the object of production from man, it also takes away his species life, his real objectivity as a species-being, and changes his advantage over animals into a disadvantage in so far as his inorganic body, nature, is taken from him. Just as alienated labor transforms free and self-directed activity into a means, so it transforms the species life of man into a means of physical existence. Consciousness, which man has from his species, is transformed through alienation so that species life becomes only a means for him. Alienation also leads to the perversion of moral values, as man is too conscious of economy’s values gain, work, thrift and sobriety to develop virtues. Due to the rising importance of commodities and money, for every new product, the potential for deceit and robbery grows. The alienated man only knows one way of relating himself to the world: through having and consuming it. He becomes more needy for money and possessions, and watches for signs of weaknesses in which he can maximize his gain. Class Consciousness Class consciousness is recognizing that the different interests and conditions of living between the two classes (bourgeois and proletariat) define their relationship with each other. This occurs when there is awareness from the working class that the conditions of labor and living of their class was created by the upper class. Once this happens, the working class becomes the enemy of the upper class. There are six features of class consciousness, although it was not Marx, but Bertell Ollman, who came up with them. The first feature pertains to the subjective and objective identity and interests of membership in a class. â€Å"Subjective† refers to what people think about their class situation, while â€Å"objective† refers to how the classes actually worked as seen in historical development, The second feature is that people must be knowledgeable about how capitalism works, either to benefit or deter them. The third feature pertains to the â€Å"broad outlines of class struggle and where one fits into it†. The fourth feature pertains to the solidarity with other members of the same class, which are exemplified by worker unions and revolts. The fifth feature is a â€Å"rational hostility† towards the opposing class. The last feature pertains to having a â€Å"vision of a more democratic and egalitarian society that is not only possible but is a condition individuals can help bring about.†

Religions Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Religions - Essay Example David, therefore, is a source of authority among Christians. David’s background also indicates that he was a man after God’s heart. When the first king of Israel, Saul, fell from grace, God had to select the next king through Samuel. Samuel had clear instructions from God: the next king of Israel had to be a man after God’s heart. After unsuccessfully pouring the anointing over the eldest sons of Jesse, Samuel asked if there was one left out. David was physically insignificant to the point of being overlooked during such an event. However, he was after God’s heart, and therefore, qualified to become king over Israel. Initially, the Israelites’ perception of kingship was different from God’s. Before King Saul, God ruled over Israel through prophets such as Samuel. But because the Israelites face constant attacks from their enemies, they started pestering Samuel for a king. They needed somebody to lead them to war and protect them with a human military army. God gave them Saul, but he failed miserably as he has too many human weaknesses. This was because he was not after God’s heart but his selfish interests. Consequently, he could not continue being king in Israel. Soon, the Israelites were voicing their regrets over King Saul. God was also displeased with Saul and eventually, the Israelites needed another king. As king of Israel, David trusted in God and was able to succeed where Saul had floundered. First, he was able to reunite all the tribes of Israel. Prior to his kingship, Israel was a ragtag of confederacies, the most notable being the northern confederacy, with its headquarters at Shechem. The tribe of Ephraim dominated this confederacy. As a united front, Israel now presents a vastly stronger adversary to their enemies. Secondly, by trusting and believing in God, David won many wars. The Philistines had posed the greatest threat to the wellbeing of the Israelites, but David was able to vanquish them once and for all. Consequently,

Whatever Happened at Barings Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Whatever Happened at Barings - Essay Example 3. The systemic damage of the international banking system was not that big to be regarded as significant because Barings was not a big banking organization and its failure could not substantially affect the international banking (Hughes and MacDonald). 4. â€Å"Big Bang† is a terminology used for the changes in relation to financial regulations, which took place in the late 80s. These changes were primarily related to the operations of the financial institutions and activities of the City of London, deemed as the hub of UK’s financial activities. The crucial deregulatory steps taken for the LSE (London Stock Exchange) initiated some changes. Barings, upon the occurrence of Big Bang, unlike its competitor organizations, did not make efforts to develop a well integrated investment bank (Hughes and MacDonald). 5. The major problems faced by financial services organizations were fixed commissions, lack of a competitive environment and access to other markets for taking part and operating in other parts of the world. In lieu of these problems, Big Bang was introduced, which liberalized the stock markets, particularly the London Stock Exchange (Hughes and MacDonald). 6. After this whole story was unwrapped, it became clear that the management lacked the required monitoring strictness in relation to securities; and at times management was seen as confused. These factors contributed in the demise of the firm (Hughes and MacDonald). 7. There are various strategies used by speculators to trade future contracts and amongst the strategies adopted the most common include â€Å"going long†, â€Å"going short† and â€Å"spreads†. â€Å"Going long† refers to the strategy according to which an investor makes an agreement for buying and delivery at a particular price at the moment when a future price rise is expected. On the other hand, the â€Å"going short† strategy refers to such an agreement by the investor under which he agrees to sell at an early date in order

Identify and outline the benefits and problems of using psychological Essay

Identify and outline the benefits and problems of using psychological tests as part of the selection process within an organisation - Essay Example At the same time a person performs many roles at the same time the happenings in one role are bound to affect the behaviour in others' roles of the person. At this point of time, it may be noted that inspite of all human beings being similar in the outer case, each one is different from the other taking into consideration each one's mind. Every individual is to be treated differently although two persons may have the same behavioural problems. Everyone has a different quality of nature, different quality of intelligence, different perception and even different ways of behaviour. This is the most important reason that the organisations need to study the individual's psychology, so that they come to know about the nature of the individual as the psychological tests are the best possible means to know about the mind of the person who will be joining the industry. This has become even more essential with the huge competition in the market where the organisations are always in the fight to have the most competent professionals in their company who would take the company to new altitudes. The psychometric tests (1) are the tests which are specifically designed to gauge the ability, personality and the aptitude of the persons. The objective of the psychometric tests is to have the complete knowledge and information about the style of behaviour that one has. These tests are the guide to the employers to know about the person as to how he relates himself to his work and even the other employees. This apart the employer also comes to know of the style of work that the person can do and as to what kind of motivation does he have. The questionnaires that are prepared for such tests are basically untimed and there are no right or wrong answers in it. The employers in this way will can choose their right candidate as they have the most appropriate profile of the person that they want to get involved in the company and the results of such psychometric tests along with the others selection tools, enable the employers to make the right decision as to how does one fit to the requirements of the role. The process of the psychological testing or the psychometric tests are made a part of the selection process by the employers in order to test the ability, motivation, potential and the style of their behaviour of the candidates. These tests may be used in the first step in the recruitment process along with the first and/or the second interview. The psychometric tests provide the employer with evidence that are normally missing in the application forms and which also can not be judged by an interview. These evidences give the correct opinion ass to which person is the most capable for the organisation and who can take the organisation through all the roughs and toughs that it may face. Because of the psychometric tests that are conducted, the employers have the opportunity to get the best for their organisation as they can study about the personal qualities, abilities, potential and the motivation to effectively carry out the job given to him. The selection process will consist of various kinds of tests and interviews etc, along with the psychometric tests and there needs to be a comparative grade taken or one has to perform well in

ECONOMICS FOR MANAGERS Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

ECONOMICS FOR MANAGERS - Essay Example Hence, a graphical representation of the price of copper is to be elaborated since 2008 to 2014 to understand the economic facets that affect the price considerably. Contextually, copper is traded in the commodity market and it is used immensely in the everyday lives of people. The fluctuation in the copper prices helps in indicating the state of the economy at large in the global platform. The price of copper is linked with various economic variables (ABN AMRO, 2014; ECORYS, 2012). In this section, the paper intends to evaluate the reasons using economic analysis for the price fluctuations and its impact. Firstly, demand is linked with the requirements of the consumers for a particular product. The demand theory finds a strong relation amid product requirement and price. This theory is elaborated through the help of the diagram below: It is observed that if the purchasing power is high, then the demand increases and likewise, the price get affected. Therefore, in the context of demand it can be stated that various factors affect the price of copper in the economy including the demand and supply of copper and the commodity market influences. Secondly, another aspect is the supply theory, which is also linked with the quantity demanded and supplied. Alteration in the price of goods such as copper also affects its supplied quantity. This is depicted through the diagram below: In relation to the demand and supply theory, it can be stated that copper depicts volatility in the market affecting its price based on the demand and supply of the commodity (Knittel & Pindyck, 2013). In this context, it is vital to state that copper is regarded as luxurious, because of its high demand and supply factor. It is a fact that copper is obtained through mining and it is expensive, because of its rare availability. However, it is easier to get recycled copper at a cheaper price, as it is attained from old and new

Inventory management ratio analysis of Ford and GM Essay

Inventory management ratio analysis of Ford and GM - Essay Example The inventory turnover ratio determines the management’s efficiency in converting the available inventory into sales. A low inventory turnover is a bad sign to a company’s performance since it indicates that the company’s products risk deteriorating. The company’s product will diminish in value due to overstaying in the stores. Due to this phenomenon, companies dealing with perishable goods usually have very high inventory turnover (Bull, 78). The average days to sell inventory is a financial measure that gives the willing investors an idea of the duration it takes for converting the available inventory into revenue. Therefore, a company’s performance ratio determines management efficiency in converting the stock into sales. In most scenarios a low average days to sell ratio is desirable. This ratio varies between industries. The average days to sell ratio is calculated as the total cost of inventory divided by cost of sales and the result got from the computation multiplied by 365 days. An average day to sell ratio forms one part of the cash conversion cycle. It represents the conversion raw material into cash. The day’s sales outstanding and the day’s payable outstanding are the other two stages in the cash conversion cycle. By determining how long a company holds on inventory before selling measures the company’s efficiency ratio. The ratio gives the average time it takes for a company’s cash to be tied up. The inventory turnover ratio of Ford is 15.9 times while that of GM is 10.0 times.

Federal Landham Law and California Trade Secret Essay

Federal Landham Law and California Trade Secret - Essay Example The Federal Lanham Law has been able to deal with critical societal issues and thus making it a relevant act. For instance, it helps to curb contravention of unregistered brand names, service marks, phony advertisements, product disparagement and trade dress. Most importantly, this act has turned to be the standard medium for assertions of violation of trade dress not that are not registered in the form of both products and services. As a result, the state courts are apparently formulating rules and tapering requirements so as to put frontiers on assertions of trade dress breach (Miller 83). This act clearly depicts criticisms as to what makes up trademark infringement, resultant court decisions. Though, brand names particularly those that involve the internet, there seem to be some sort of laxity. Principally the Lanham law has, civil and criminal requirements for desecrations of their particular provisions, it also offers civil remedies in the event of exclusive rights infringement (Belmas 67). Federal Lanham Law also verifies the civil remedies in cases where an action of intrusion has been brought forward by the ultimate owner. If the central government chooses to impeach organizations or individuals for any of the above violations, the detention terms are clearly set forth in the Lanham’s law and it explicitly describes the offense and also it discerns the criminal fine to be paid in cash. On the other hand, there have been continuous arguments about this law. The question of whether this law has really brought constructive development especially in the field of intellectual assets, is still leaving a lot of uncertainty. It does not seem to resolve the conflict of consumer confusion and unfair competition. It appears more as a gratuitous expansion of restricted rights, diminishing the store of existing designs and symbols that are essential for the sort of liberated competition that should be of benefit to the welfare of the consumer. Critics view t his act as a bad idea with the intention of hurting intellectual property. Nevertheless; others acclaim it as a suitable and very grand weapon in the endless fight against advertising and sales strategies that are a basis of consumer confusion and fraud. In conclusion, this is one of the preeminent acts that have ever been adopted as it entirely protects persons against the high rates of fraud (Belmas 122). California is among the states that have taken up this trade secret act. The California trade secret commonly known as (CUTSA) was agreed to with the aim of promoting, rewarding innovations and technological advancement and to sustain commercial ethics. The endorsement of CUTSA gave a platform of unitary descriptions of trade secret misuse. CUTSA, overtly states that it does not prevent assertions based upon violation of contract, unlawful remedies, or other allegations that do not have their basis on trade secret. Just like the other trade secret laws, this act primarily forbids misuse of trade secrets. In addition, this law also compels criminal penalties in cases where trade secrets are stolen. Misuse of these operational secrets comprises theft, corruption, falsification, infringement or enticement of a violation of an obligation to keep secrecy, or surveillance through electronic or any other means. However, independent derivation

Genetic Engineering and the Law Essay Example for Free

Genetic Engineering and the Law Essay To understand the ethical implications of genetic engineering, we must first understand what genetic engineering is. Genes are units that code for specific characteristics. Such characteristics are hair and eye colour and we inherit these from our parents. It is chromosomes in the cell nuclei than enable your body to inherit features or, more specifically, it is the DNA that makes up the chromosomes that forms a unique genetic code for every human being (apart from identical twins). It is estimated that the human body has around 50,000 to 100,000 different genes contained inside, some of which have been linked to certain diseases. Scientists claim to have identified 4,000 conditions that are linked to just one fault or defect in a persons genetic makeup, which is where genetic engineering comes in. At present a project is taking place to identify the function of every gene in the human body. The Human Genome Project aims to uncover the cause for many diseases and find a cure for them. One such way, is genetic engineering. Genetic engineering, as a cure for disease, is the removal of a defective gene sequence and the remodelling of it. But this isnt the only definition given for genetic engineering. Compassion in World Farming describes it as the taking of genes from one species of plant or animal and inserting them into a completely different species. It is obvious, therefore, that genetic engineering is used for different things, in different situations. In this essay I will look at some of the varying uses genetic engineering has in todays world and the ethical implications of such uses. Genetic Engineering and the Law At present human cloning is illegal in the UK, although there are many countries were such a law does not exist. And although, technically, it may be possible to clone humans in the way animals have been, the Act of Parliament strictly forbids ever doing with human eggs what we have done with sheep eggs Dr Ron James Head of PPL Therapeutics. Nor are scientists allowed to mass produce human eggs for in-vitro fertilisation- something that many scientists have been pushing for for years. Genetically modified crops are also strictly controlled by the law. Such UK laws include: The Genetically Modified Organisms (Contained Use) Regulations 1992 and The Genetically Modified Organisms (Deliberate Release) Regulations 1992. These laws are in addition to the standard For Safety Act which specifies that food must be fit for consumption. Several government bodies have been set up to assess and regulate GM foods including ACNFP, COT, FAC and, the most important, The Department of Environment. The DOE requires tat anyone proposing a release must apply to them for consent first. It is then advised by the Advisory Committee on Release to the Environment on the granting of consents. At a European level, the Regulation on Novel Foods and Food Ingredients was introduced in May 1997 and covers labelling of foods no longer equivalent to its conventional counterparts. But despite the introduction of laws, many people are still unhappy, and are pushing for further action. For example the CIWF believe GM meat should be clearly labelled, although they also say it should not be sold in the first place. They see the genetic engineering of farm animals for food as cruel and unnecessary. But the question remains: are they right? Few people know the implications of genetic engineering and what it really involves and many are ignorant of what to expect from GM. Genetic Engineering and Animals/ Humans Everyone knows the story of the first cloned animal. The Finn Dorset sheep, known as Dolly, was the first new-born mammal to be cloned from adult cells and is a miracle for scientists the world over. She had opened many new windows of opportunity for scientists who hope to soon be able to clone humans using the same technology. The possibilities really are endless. A single cell from an elite racehorse could be used to create hundreds of identical copies, each with the same elite genetic makeup. However pleasing this heady new discovery is, there is a widespread argument over whether or not cloning is right. Is it simply a wonderful new way to develop a generation of disease-free animals and humans or is it tampering with nature and playing God? Many people see it as the answer to all problems, that screening can reveal vital information about a persons life span and health future. Genetic engineering could, in theory, identify genetic defects early on, giving time to replace the faulty gene and cure the sufferer. Predicting disease is a major use for genetic engineering and one that could change the way we live forever. At present scientist are working on a genetic test known as the GeneChip. They claim in a few years doctors will be able to take a simple mouth swab and, using the GeneChip, look through your DNA for disease prospects. Although they have come under fire from their critics, geneticists argue that anyone is entitled to know what their future holds for the health-wise. Indeed they say the information can be vital for planning out the rest of your life if, for example, you are a woman with a likelihood to develop breast cancer. Pre-natal diagnosis is also another option that could soon be open to the public. Parents could be made aware of any flaws there may be in their childs DNA and could decide whether or not to carry on with the pregnancy. Genetic engineering could also be used to grow substances like human insulin and growth hormone on a huge level. Currently scientists are looking at introducing blood-clotting genes for haemophiliacs and purifying milk from GM sheep for the treatment of cystic fibrosis. They are also hoping to study presently incurable diseases in the hope they might be able to introduce a cure using genetic engineering. There are also high hopes for animals in genetic engineering. Transgenic animals (or those that have been given a gene from another animal) have many uses. They can produce more meat and milk, feeding the starving, and they can grow faster, with the possibility of less fatty meat. They can be bred to resist disease, but also develop disease so they might be tested on for further research. A biotechnology firm in Cambridge is working on a transgensic pig that could be bred to grow desperately needed organs for transplant into human beings. The technique can also be used to knock out genes, deleting proteins so that they might prevent BSE in cows. But it isnt all good news for genetic engineering, in fact there is a lengthy and strong argument as to why it is dangerous to go to take it to these levels. Many have disagreed with the predicting of disease, saying that many people may not be able to cope with the knowledge that they may contract a terminal disease- it could ruin lives. Also there has been widespread outcry over the Association of Insurance Brokers announcement that it will not offer life insurance over i 100,100 to anyone who had taken a genetic test that had predicted fatal disease and since 1995 there has been pressure form MPs to develop a code of practise concerning genetic screening. There are also fears of employers discriminating against potential employees who have the potential for life threatening illness in later life. Although scientists hope genetic engineering will provide many choices for parents, the BMA has voiced its concerns that the industry will cause selective breeding or the choice to abort a baby because of undesirable characteristics such as physical traits. The BMA have also said people have been mislead about the power to screen for later abnormalities. It says The number of abnormalities which can be detected in this way is limited and few of the tests are conclusive. The problem many people have with genetic engineering is the risk of error that is involved. Screening is complex and it is difficult to be precise every time. Faulty diagnosis could put an end to job prospects or insurance benefits, not to mention the psychological problems arising from finding out you have the potential to contract a fatal disease.

Education and Gross Domestic Product of the Philippines

Education and Gross Domestic Product of the Philippines Marione Tomas T. Padilla ABSTRACT The research paper is about determining whether certain factors of Education have an effect on the overall Gross Domestic Product of the Philippines. Intuition would tell us that Education has an effect on GDP. In addition, budget allocations for education in the Philippines are high compared to the other sectors in the government. Table of Contents Introduction Background of the Study †¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦. 4 Statement of the Problem †¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦. 5 Objectives of the Study †¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦. 6 Significance of the Study †¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦. 6 Scope and Limitation †¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦. 7 Review of Related Literature Civilian Discretionary Spending †¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦ 8 Human Capital and Education †¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦ 9 Education in the Philippines Millennium Development Goals Similar Studies Theoretical Framework Gross Domestic Product IS-LM Model Operational Framework Variable List A-Priori Expectations Methodology Empirical Testing and Analysis of Results Conclusion and Recommendations References Introduction Background of the Study According to Jeffrey Sachs (2011), civilian discretionary spending is spending on public goods and services that the private economy cannot provide on its own[1]. In addition, one of the sectors he mentioned that are involved in civilian discretionary spending is education. Education is defined as the knowledge and development resulting from an educational process (Merriam Webster, 2014)[2]. In any country, education is one of the things that the government is in charge of and is one of the factors in the government’s expenditures which contributes to a percentage in a country’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP); the government takes into consideration the budget allocation for education, how they are going to make the educational sector competitive i.e. the quality of the service that the citizens of the country are to get, and many other factors. The Philippines currently has a literacy rate of 95.4% and rank 108th out of 215 countries in terms of literacy rate[3]. In addition, the educational system of the Philippines is currently experiencing a shift, because our educational system is being exposed to different factors such as the implementation of the K to 12 and the ASEAN Integration which are to be imposed soon. In the previous education system of the Philippines, kindergarten was not compulsory for students but now it is. In addition, Primary Education (Elementary) and Secondary Education (Junior and Senior High School) both require 6 years making a total of 12 years. Because of these adjustments and other factors, the budget and the expenditure for education increase every year. The Department of Education is one of the top departments that are given high budget allocations with their proposed 2014 budget being the highest at 293.3 billion pesos; according to an article in Rappler (2013), â€Å"the increase is focused on learning resources, as well as classrooms, chairs and school facilities†[4]. But despite all of this, the overall quality in the education has declined and this was due to certain factors (insert them here). With this given, this proves to be a challenge not just for the government but for the other Filipinos as well that could not cope up with the Philippines’ current system of education. According to World Vision (2011)[5], education has a relationship with growth of an economy i.e. lack of quality education is a threat to economic growth. In addition, World Vision also stated that 92 percent of Filipino children are able to enroll in primary education but 20 percent of these students who enrolled are able to finish. Statement of the Problem The Philippines experienced a decline in the quality of education due to certain factors such as the quality of the education, affordability, budget, and mismatch between training and the jobs[6]. With this, the researcher has prepared the following questions: a) How can the Philippine government fix or alleviate these factors? b) Were there any measures taken in line with the previous question? What specific measures were done and were they effective? c) Are Filipino students (both current and incoming) ready for K to 12 given the decline in the quality prior to the implementation? d) Is K to 12 really a step further for the Philippines? The researcher would also want to know if the budget that has been allocated to them is being used efficiently and in the end if it contributed to the output of the country. In addition, the researcher would also want to clarify if these expenditures in education really did make any changes. Objectives of the Study Given the background of the topic for this research, the researcher would like to accomplish the following objectives: a) Determine the relationship between certain factors of education i.e. number of enrolled students and education expenditure, and the Gross Domestic Product of the Philippines b) Be able to find ways to improve the quality of the educational system of the Philippines so that we can be really ready for future changes. c) Construct an econometric model that can be used in analyzing how GDP and Education go hand in hand. Significance of the Study A lack of quality education can hamper growth in the economy because the citizens are not equipped with the basic knowledge; in addition, a lot of Filipinos do not have access to even the basic education and because of this, the human condition is not improving. In the Human Development Forum held last March 2, 2011, U.S Secretary of Education Arne Duncan stated that Education can be the bridge to factors such as eliminating gender inequality, poverty reduction, planet sustainability, preventing deaths and illnesses, and for peace. In addition, he stated that education is inseparable from the development of human capital, and that education is the new currency so that nations maintain economic competitiveness and global prosperity (Duncan, 2011)[7]. In line with the previous statement, this study is aiming to find a way to be able to improve the standard of education that the Philippines has and to make it competitive. In addition, this study aims to make a point that education plays a role in the growth of a country and is a step towards improving lives thus we should not take this lightly. The researcher believes that the government should look into the bigger picture and the root causes as to why our education is not accessible or feasible to the citizens. Scope and Limitation The data used in this study came from sources such as indexmundi, World Bank, NSCB, and UNData. The researcher took into consideration GDP, Education Expenditure (not including capital and equipment), and number of enrolled students per year level except the Tertiary Level due to unavailability of data; the research has 30 observations (from 1982 to 2011) and is focused on a Philippine setting. The researcher is using the multiple regression analysis to determine the influence of our independent variables to the dependent variable. Review of Related Literature Civilian Discretionary Spending The Huffington Post (2011), posted an article entitled â€Å"De-Mystifying the Budget Debate†; this article was written by Jeffrey Sachs. One of the things that Jeffrey Sachs pointed out was the issue on civilian discretionary spending. Civilian discretionary spending is spending on public goods and services that cannot be provided efficiently by the private economy alone (Sachs, 2011). In addition, the programs are called â€Å"discretionary† because the budget allocation is voted upon every year and contributes to about 4% of the GDP in the United States. He also mentioned the factors that make up civilian discretionary spending in the following quote[8]: â€Å"Discretionary spending includes national security (homeland security, diplomacy, development assistance); education and job training; science and technology; the justice system; public administration; environmental protection; community development and housing assistance; major infrastructure (highways, dams, levees, flood control, water and sanitation).† From the given definitions and statements, the aim of civilian discretionary spending is to make a country competitive and so that there would be more opportunities for economic growth. Human Capital and Education According to Investopedia, Human Capital is defined as â€Å"a measure of the economic value of an employees skill set† wherein it measures the labor input and is thought to be equal[9]. The term was coined by economist Theodore Schultz; this term mirrored human capacities and believed that human capital was like any other capital in general. Capital is defined as those long term assets used in the production of output by a firm. In the case of human capital, education, training and enhanced benefits are the factors to be considered when investing in human capital; in effect this will lead to an improvement in the quality and level of production. In addition, the education and the experience an employee has obtained merits economic value in the perspective of both employers and the aggregate economy. The United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific (UNESCAP) published a study in 2001 entitled Development Planning in a Market Economy; One segment of this study, The Role of Human Capital in Economic Development: Some Myths and Realities, explains how important Human Capital is in Economic Development[10]. The author stated that for human capital to create an impact on economic development, a nation needed to have at least a 70% literate population. In addition, it was also stated that if a large number of people in the population are literate, even if they are equipped with the basic education, the minds of the masses can be opened up (UNESCAP, 2001). It was also mentioned that the government has a role in this i.e. one of the factors as to why there are differences in human capital was because of the direction of the priorities and commitments of a nation towards the educations sector[11] (UNESCAP, 2001). An entry in the Encyclopedia of Educational Philosophy and Theory (EEPAT), entitled Human Capital Theory and Education, one concept introduced is the Human Capital theory wherein it states that the framework for nation state policy framework is by enhancing the flexibility of labor in the labor market, and also enhancing skills through investment in education, training and employment schemes, and immigration focused on attracting high-quality human capital (Fitzimons , 1999)[12]. In that same entry, Fitzimons (1999) referenced Adam Smith’s The Wealth of Nations (1776) wherein Adam smith was able to formulate a basis for the science of human capital. In addition, two schools of thought were formed; the first school of thought distinguished acquired capacities that were classified as either capital or the human being themselves, who were not counted as capital. The second school of thought, on the other hand, claimed that human beings are considered capital. Operational Framework Variable List The table below presents the variables that have been used in the study. The model has four independent variables and one dependent variable. The regression to be performed will take into account the significance of the variables, both individual and overall References education. 2014. In Merriam-Webster.com. Retrieved April 5, 2014, from http://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/education Sachs, J. (2011, April 18). De-Mystifying the Budget Debate. The Huffington Post. Retrieved April 5, 2014, from http://www.huffingtonpost.com/jeffrey-sachs/de-mystifying-the-budget_b_850332.html Geronimo, J. (2013, July 30). DepEds proposed 2014 budget biggest in history. Rappler. Retrieved April 5, 2014, from http://www.rappler.com/nation/35186-deped-proposed-budget-biggest-in-history Philippines. (n.d.). World Vision. Retrieved April 5, 2014, from http://www.worldvision.org/our-impact/country-profiles/philippines Philippines. (n.d.). Find the Data. Retrieved April 5, 2014, from http://country-facts.findthedata.org/l/111/Philippines Mankiw, G. (2013). The Data of Macroeconomics. Macroeconomics (8th Edition ed., p. 18). New York: Charles Linsmeier. Human Capital. (n.d.). Investopedia. Retrieved April 5, 2014, from http://www.investopedia.com/terms/h/humancapital.asp Gary S. Becker. Human Capital.The Concise Encyclopedia of Economics.2008. Library of Economics and Liberty. Retrieved April 5, 2014 from the World Wide Web: http://www.econlib.org/library/Enc/HumanCapital.html Patrick Fitzsimons. (1999). Human capital theory and education. InThe Encyclopaedia of Educational Philosophy and Theory, M. Peters, T. Besley, A. Gibbons, B. Ã…Â ½arniĆ¡, P. Ghiraldelli (eds.). Retrieved 5 April, 2014 fromhttp://eepat.net/doku.php?id=human_capital_theory_and_education An Analysis on the Education and Gross Domestic Product of the Philippines 1 [1] Civilian Discretionary Spending will be elaborated in the Review of Related Literature. [2] Definition of education taken from http://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/education [3] Statistics taken from http://country-facts.findthedata.org/l/111/Philippines [4] The full article can be seen at http://www.rappler.com/nation/35186-deped-proposed-budget-biggest-in-history [5] Taken from http://www.worldvision.org/our-impact/country-profiles/philippines [6] Retrieved from http://www.ph.net/htdocs/education/issue.htm [7] The Full transcript can be viewed at http://web.worldbank.org/WBSITE/EXTERNAL/TOPICS/EXTEDUCATION/0,,contentMDK:22848251~menuPK:282425~pagePK:64020865~piPK:149114~theSitePK:282386,00.html [8] This section explains the factors that make up civilian discretionary spending; note that this is an excerpt from the article mentioned. The article can be found at http://www.huffingtonpost.com/jeffrey-sachs/de-mystifying-the-budget_b_850332.html [9] Definition taken from http://www.investopedia.com/terms/h/humancapital.asp [10] The file for the said part can be found at http://www.worldwewant2015.org/node/296253 [11] This quotation can be seen on the same file mentioned. Refer to footnote number 10. [12] Retrieved from http://eepat.net/doku.php?id=human_capital_theory_and_education

Nazi Olympics :: essays research papers

The Nazi Olympics   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Theme:  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Many events of The Nazi Olympics surround this sporting festival to make it one of the controversial events in sport history. Not only does Mandell cover the 1936 Olympic Games themselves but he gives insight to the history of the modern games, participation by the United States, the role of the games in the Nazi propaganda efforts and portrays heroes and key figures. Mandell wrote about the intersection of sport and politics and how world leaders set the agenda, not the athletes. The Nazi’s used the 1936 Olympic Games as a way to reinforce their political and racial goals. Although they were founded as part of a vision of world peace, the 1936 games became a stage for political disputes.  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  The Nazi Olympics takes an in depth look at the efforts the Germans made to show the rest of the world that they had again become a powerful nation under the leader of Adolf Hitler. The events that followed the games in Germany, mainly the Holocaust and World War II overshadowed the Berlin games. However, it is very important to note that a world gathering like the Olympics took place in a country that was in the process of eliminating an entire race of people. The games were a huge success in regards to the Nazi regime, they were able to fool the world and prove to Germany that they were a peaceful and stable nation.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Capsule:  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  In 1931, the International Olympic Committee awarded the 1936 Summer Olympics to Berlin. The choice signaled Germany’s return to the world community after its isolation in the aftermath of defeat in World War I. Two years later, Adolf Hitler became chancellor of Germany and quickly turned the nation’s fragile democracy into a one-party dictatorship that persecuted Jews, Gypsies, and all political opponents. The Nazis’ claimed to control all aspects of German life which also extended to sports. In August 1936, the Nazi regime tried to camouflage its violent racist policies while the country hosted the Summer Olympics. Most anti-Jewish signs were temporarily removed and newspapers toned down their harsh rhetoric. Movements towards the boycott of the Nazi Olympics surfaced in the United States, Great Britain, France, Sweden, Czechoslovakia, and the Netherlands. Debate over participation in the 1936 Olympics was more in tense throughout the United States, which traditionally sent one of the largest teams to the Games.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Responding to the persecution of Jewish athletes in 1933, Avery Brundage, president of the American Olympic Committee initially considered moving the Games from Germany but he was blind and was determined to accept the invitation to Berlin.

Analysis Of A Motivational Speech By Queen Elizabeth I -- essays resea

The human desires of greed, wealth, and power have been embedded into the world's history as political figures have led invasions of other countries countless numbers of times. Whether invaded or being invaded, a country requires strong and capable leaders to see them through this difficult time. In 1588, Queen Elizabeth I of England gave a motivational speech to her troops using the rhetorical devices of diction, imagery, and sentence structure to motivate her subjects positively and to instill the fear of the pending invasion in their hearts. The queen uses positive diction, sentence structure, and imagery in her effort to motivate her people to defend their country from their Spanish invaders. She uses diction to praise and motivate her subjects. The queen refers to her people as "faithful" and "loving," praising their "loyal[ty]" and "goodwill." These positive words allow her subjects to see her as a caring, kind leader whose praise urges them to fight for their country. She also uses the words "noble" and "worthy" to describe her people's task of protecting their country against invasion. The use of such praising words makes her people see the task as important, and it will instill a sense of duty in their hearts to protect their kingdom. The queen further motivates her people by implementing the use of sentence structure. In the beginning of her speech, she says, "we have been persuaded." In the second half of her first sentence, she says, "I a ssure you I do not desire to live to distrust my faithful and loving people." Her use of the royal "we" and then her transition to "I" symbolizes her descent from the throne literally to speak to her troops on the field and figuratively by referring to herself as I. This will encourage the troops to see her as a fellow Englishman and not a distant queen. The queen also uses sentence structure when she says, "I myself will be your general, judge, and rewarder," and, "By your obedience.., by your concord.., and your valor.., we shall shortly have a famous victory." She speaks listing three things at a time, giving her speech rhythm. The mention of her three positions shows her as generous and powerful, causing her troops to respect and admire her. The listing of the three characteristics of her... ...age of the queen actually picking up a weapon and marching into battle with her troops. The importance of this image is that it encourages the troops to pledge their loyalty to their queen who seems willing to fight alongside them. The queen also scorns those who "dare to invade the boarders of my [the queen's] realm." This creates an image of the pending invasion in the minds of her people. With a vivid portrait of the upcoming battles, her subjects realize that they must be brave and loyal in order to defend their country. Perhaps the most vivid image is that of the "heat of battle." A fire-swept battlefield comes into mind, and the fear of such a battle will motivate the queen's subjects to protect themselves from such future battles. Clearly, the queen, using the rhetorical devices of diction, imagery, and sentence structure, was able to motivate her subjects positively and to instill the fear of the pending invasion in their hearts. Her concise but powerful speech was exactly what her troops needed to hear before marching to battle. The queen with her speech secured their loyalty and trust, and her oratory helped unify her people in their time of crisis.

societhf Rejection of Civilization in The Adventures of Huckleberry Finn :: Adventures Huckleberry Huck Finn Essays

Rejection of Civilization in The Adventures of Huckleberry Finn In the novel Huckleberry Finn by Mark Twain, Huck decides to reject civilization. At the end of the story Aunt Sally wants to civilize him, but he refuses. He says "I reckon I got to light out for the territory ahead of the rest, because Aunt Sally, she's going to adopt me civilize me, and I can't stand it. I've been there before." Huck decides to choose against society because of all the harsh realities that he has seen first hand. Huck's early doubts of the civilized world all started with Pap. During most of his childhood, Huck had been abused both physically and mentally by his redneck guardian Pap. This man had walked into and out of Huck's life on numerous occasions. He was the only father figure in Huck's life and failed miserably at the job. Pap was the first representation of civilization to Huck and it was a sour one. It was also civilization that awarded custody of Huck to Pap. He had been screwed over too many times by the civilized world, and that was the main reason he decided to leave home. Huck ran from his troubles at home down the Mississippi River. The river is where he found his sanctuary. Jim and Huck were always safe, independent, and free out on the raft. It seemed that every time they would go to shore, something negative involving civilization would arise. The dark side of human nature and suffering would meet up with the two of them. They always stumbled upon the under-belly of society. The symbol of human suffering was the Grangerfords family. When Huck found himself in front of their farm after the ship wreck, his first impression was a positive one. He thought that the Grangerfords were a pleasant, normal family. However the dark secrets that existed within the family could make skin crawl. The paintings and writings made by Emmeline Grangerford, who died when she was fourteen, are of rather morbid subjects. She was a messed up child that came from a bizarre, disturbed family. They had a feudal war going with another family where constant deaths and suffering took place. Just before Huck leaves, his age equivalent and societhf Rejection of Civilization in The Adventures of Huckleberry Finn :: Adventures Huckleberry Huck Finn Essays Rejection of Civilization in The Adventures of Huckleberry Finn In the novel Huckleberry Finn by Mark Twain, Huck decides to reject civilization. At the end of the story Aunt Sally wants to civilize him, but he refuses. He says "I reckon I got to light out for the territory ahead of the rest, because Aunt Sally, she's going to adopt me civilize me, and I can't stand it. I've been there before." Huck decides to choose against society because of all the harsh realities that he has seen first hand. Huck's early doubts of the civilized world all started with Pap. During most of his childhood, Huck had been abused both physically and mentally by his redneck guardian Pap. This man had walked into and out of Huck's life on numerous occasions. He was the only father figure in Huck's life and failed miserably at the job. Pap was the first representation of civilization to Huck and it was a sour one. It was also civilization that awarded custody of Huck to Pap. He had been screwed over too many times by the civilized world, and that was the main reason he decided to leave home. Huck ran from his troubles at home down the Mississippi River. The river is where he found his sanctuary. Jim and Huck were always safe, independent, and free out on the raft. It seemed that every time they would go to shore, something negative involving civilization would arise. The dark side of human nature and suffering would meet up with the two of them. They always stumbled upon the under-belly of society. The symbol of human suffering was the Grangerfords family. When Huck found himself in front of their farm after the ship wreck, his first impression was a positive one. He thought that the Grangerfords were a pleasant, normal family. However the dark secrets that existed within the family could make skin crawl. The paintings and writings made by Emmeline Grangerford, who died when she was fourteen, are of rather morbid subjects. She was a messed up child that came from a bizarre, disturbed family. They had a feudal war going with another family where constant deaths and suffering took place. Just before Huck leaves, his age equivalent and

Should we reinstate the Selective Service Draft or continue to rely on a volunteer army?

This paper seeks to determine whether the Americans should reinstate the Selective Service Draft or continue to rely on a volunteer army. This paper posits that it is more advantageous to rely on volunteer army than military draft. . No need to reinstate the military draft One of the strongest arguments why America need not reinstate the Selective Service Draft and instead continue to rely on volunteer army is the positions presently taken by the Bush Administration.Burns said, â€Å"The Bush administration sees no need to reinstate the military draft, but it is pushing for improved Pentagon management of the 1.4 million-strong force in order to meet wartime needs, Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld said Thursday. † He further quoted Rumsfeld saying , â€Å"†I don't know anyone in the executive branch of the government who believes it would be appropriate or necessary to reinstitute the draft,† to the Newspaper Association of America's annual convention. † The system of military conscription that was abandoned in 1973 just came from some members of Congress on whether the long-term nature of the global war on terrorism might require a return to same. It was Sen.Chuck Hagel, R-Neb. , who raised the possibility that compulsory military service might be necessary. Burns quoted Hagel as seeing the nation as engaged â€Å"in a generational war here against terrorism† and â€Å"It's going to require resources. † The main argument of Sen. Hagel was for burden sharing, hence, he was quoted as saying: â€Å"Should we continue to burden the middle class who represents most all of our soldiers, and the lower-middle class? † â€Å"Should we burden them with the fighting and the dying if in fact this is a generational – probably 25-year – war? â€Å"Burns found Rumsfeld not addressing the issue of burden-sharing, except to say the old system of conscription had â€Å"a lot of difficulties,† including lo opholes that permitted many to avoid being drafted. Rumsfeld was found to have said that the military simply does not need to abandon its all-volunteer approach and to have said the following statement, â€Å"†We have a relatively small military. We have been very successful in recruiting and retaining the people we need†¦ Although the military is strained by its commitments in Iraq and elsewhere, it is working on ways to get more combat power out of the existing force.† Burns also reported Rumsfeld arguing that the Army, for example, is reorganizing to increase the number of combat brigades from 33 to as many as 48 over the next several years and the Pentagon is finding ways to pull troops out of jobs that could be done by civilian Defense Department workers or government contractors, thus freeing more troops for combat-related duties (Paraphrasing made) . Hence it would mean that there is no need to reinstate the Selective Service since under the present circumst ance, volunteer army is a possible option.In trying therefore to analyse the statements of Rumsfeld, Selective Service draft should only come as an option if the present number of army could not be augmented through other means like pulling troops out of jobs that could be done by civilian Defense Department workers or government contractors. Why resort to compulsory service then when there are easier ways. As state earlier, the main argument for selective service is the shared burden principle between rich and poor. Equitable Spread of burden of military serviceGreenberg, David (2003) said that the proposal for selective service by Rep. Charles Rangel, D-N. Y. is based on the argument that in our anomic culture we need mandatory service to instill common values, provide a shared experience for young people of all races and social stripes, and equitably spread the burden of military service. Hence, in writing in the New York Times, Greenberg found Rangel recently to have urged a â⠂¬Å"return to the tradition of the citizen soldier,† and arguing that â€Å"if we are going to send our children to war, the governing principle must be that of shared sacrifice.† (Paraphrasing made). Greenberg further said, â€Å"Cries like Rangel's have arisen in every war and quite often in peace as well. In 1940, inaugurating the first-ever peacetime draft, Franklin Roosevelt argued that the new policy â€Å"broadened and enriched our basic concepts of citizenship. † A quarter century later, Lyndon Johnson called the draft â€Å"a part of America, a part of the process of our democracy. † Indeed, appeals to patriotism and democracy have often accompanied the imposition of mandatory sacrifice. † Equality contradicting libertyThe laudable purpose of equality is not however unopposed because of the element of coercion which convinces many that equality need not liberty. Thus, Greenburg agreed difficulty of selling conscription because equality coul d be contradicting liberty. He said, â€Å" Despite these fine words, though, conscription has always been—and probably will always be—a tough sell. The reason isn't that Americans crave an unjust system, although they haven't shown too much regret over the draft's inequities. Rather, the draft's perennial unpopularity stems from an abiding national regard for freedom from state coercion.For all Rangel's rhetorical bows to the â€Å"citizen soldier† and â€Å"shared sacrifice,† his proposal addresses America's historic concern for equality but skirts its even more primary veneration for liberty. † As to the validity of the claims equality in the sharing the burden, perhaps it would be proper to take a look at the past. Had people readily accepted conscription in the past? Greenburg said â€Å"Indeed, the notion of the citizen soldier of the Revolutionary War to which Rangel hearkens—the common man trading plowshare for sword to fight an imm inent threat—actually points up the flaws in the argument for conscription.The Revolution's vaunted Minute Men were, after all, volunteers who needed no official prodding to take up arms against a threat to their liberty. The Continental Army certainly had its manpower problems—in the winter of 1776, Tom Paine decried the â€Å"summer soldier and the sunshine patriot†Ã¢â‚¬â€but even in those trying times, states rejected George Washington's plea for national conscription. When individual states did hold drafts, they allowed wealthy conscripts to hire substitutes, who were predominantly poor and unemployed. Service was hardly a shared experience. †If President Washington plea for national conscription was rejected when the country needed the citizen then to defend it was rejected, would it be easier to accept today? Could this happen with Bush administration when his defense secretary was saying that there is no need for military draft? But going back stil l in the past, it was found that draft really existed but it was just temporary to address an emergency. Thus, Greenburg added , â€Å"Whatever problems hobbled the Continental Army, the new nation's founders remained convinced that state encroachment on personal freedom was the greater danger.The Constitution's drafters conferred on Congress the power to â€Å"raise and support armies† but not to conscript citizens—an omission notably at odds with the practice in Europe. Virginia's Edmund Randolph, one of the few founders to raise the issue during the constitutional debates, argued that a draft would â€Å"stretch the strings of government too violently to be adopted. † Such sentiments carried the day even when British troops invaded American soil two decades later. During the War of 1812, President James Madison sought a draft.But even though Secretary of War James Monroe promised it would be just a temporary, emergency measure, Congress opposed it, in Sen. D aniel Webster's words, as â€Å"Napoleonic despotism. † It never got off the ground. † If success in the past may have to be used as a justification to put one today, would it be more acceptable? Historically this was not supposed to be the case since success seemed t far from good. Greenburg said, â€Å"In the Civil War, both North and South continued to rely mainly on enlistment, although they did adopt conscription when the volunteers dried up.Even though the Civil War drafts were extremely limited—only 8 percent of Union's 2 million soldiers were draftees—they were far from successful. The Confederate government gave exemptions to those in certain occupations, sparking popular protest. Meanwhile, the delegation of such vast powers to the Confederate government baldly violated the principle of â€Å"states' rights† and undermined the South's rationale for its rebellion. † The limited number then of military draft appear to post now a stron g objection to reinstating military draft now that they situation was not as dangerous before.There could be problems with impracticality because a forced military service may just cause desertions or non reporting which. This actually happened. Greenburg confirmed this when he said, â€Å"Fifty years later, with Europe at war, Woodrow Wilson courted the animosity of isolationists left and right by pushing through Congress a sweeping (but temporary) conscription program. To ensure fairness, the law barred the hiring of substitutes and the offering of bounties for enlistees.But the draft's more fundamental flaw—its coerciveness—still fueled protest. Waves of conscripts, perhaps as many as 3 million, refused to register for the draft, and of those actually called to serve, 12 percent either didn't report or quickly deserted. Local vigilantes took to shaming or brutalizing resisters into service. Civil libertarians sued the government, arguing that the draft was unconsti tutional under the 13th Amendment, which outlawed involuntary servitude, but in 1918 the Supreme Court upheld it as constitutional.† What could be more depriving than coerciveness? We have seen coercion generating protest but it does not mean that military draft is not without use and purpose. Hence Greenburg explained that the draft was scuttled when peace returned, but in 1940, when Germany invaded France, FDR sought to resurrect it. There must be a war to justify the draft. But how was it accepted then because of the war? Greenburg said, â€Å" Again, opposition was fierce; Sen.Arthur Vandenberg, for one, accused FDR of â€Å"tearing up 150 years of American history and tradition, in which none but volunteers have entered the peacetime Armies and Navies. † But FDR won out, and resistance faded after Pearl Harbor. As it was in so many ways, the experience of the â€Å"good† war proved an exception to a historical pattern. Yet FDR's policies also set a preceden t for the more questionable Cold War draft, which would last 25 years. † In the cold war , America had the draft during the Cold War but the Vietnam experience have taught them a lesson.Greenburg confirmed this when he said, â€Å"It took the catastrophe of Vietnam to end the draft. By the late 1960s, the mounting body counts and anti-war sentiment made it increasingly hard for President Johnson to justify sending young men to die in battle. Until 1969, Maj. Gen. Lewis B. Hershey, the head of the Selective Service, blocked efforts to reform or end the draft, but when Richard Nixon assumed the presidency he saw draft reform as a way to silence the peace movement and steal the Democrats' thunder without a precipitous pullout.Nixon forced Hershey into retirement, set up a lottery to make the draft fairer, and indicated he would move toward an all-volunteer force (AVF). In a debate over whether to continue the draft in 1971 or adopt an AVF, it was Nixon and Gen. William Westmorel and who argued for the AVF, while leading Democrats in Congress such as Ted Kennedy and one Charlie Rangel pressed to keep the draft in place. † Given past events, will America repeat the same mistake?The Americans have spoken about their positions in the last 2006 elections by giving more seats to Democrats over the Republicans. The constitutionality of mandatory military service One of the issues that may be invoked in trying to oppose the military draft is through constitutional means. Smolla, R. said, â€Å"The military draft has been rhetorically attacked as a form of involuntary servitude that violates the Thirteenth Amendment, [23] but, despite the hyperbolic utility of the argument, it has never been taken seriously by the Supreme Court.As early as the 1918 Selective Draft Law Cases, [24] the Court stated that as we are unable to conceive upon what theory the exaction by government from the citizen of the performance of his supreme and noble duty of contributing to th e defense of the rights and honor of the nation as the result of a war declared by the great representative body of the people can be said to be the imposition of involuntary servitude in violation of the prohibitions of the Thirteenth Amendment, we are constrained to the conclusion that the contention to that effect is refuted by its mere statement.[25] † It is therefore clear that legal battle appears a weak option because the court could still sustain legality so the decision is political and which using the result of the recent elections would show that the volunteer army is the better option. Conclusion: The evidence would go for continuing volunteer army instead of selective service draft. To serve ones’ country it is best to respect voluntary service.Americans need not be reinstated the military service if it could continue with volunteer army To force young Americans to join the draft was a difficult experience in the past where enlisted personnel failed or dese rted, constituting a big percentage. The compulsory draft in the past was made to address to an emergency. The executive department through the defense chief declared the lack of need to restore the military since the government can still have volunteer army.Forcing people to render a military service is being viewed as having the element of coercion which is one the greatest objection to selective military draft but the latter is arguing on the basis to shared sacrifice and therefore invoking equality. However, opponents of military draft rationalized that equality need not violated liberty which the Constitution was made to promote. The present jurisprudence however holds that force military draft is constitutional and hence the issue of legality may still allow the decision to pursue military draft over that of volunteer army.Since there is no emergency to invoke military draft, then said option must not be pursued. Works and Cases Cited: Burns, Robert, Defense Chief Sees No Need to Reintroduce the Military Draft, The Associated Press , Agonist Discussion, Re:WILL THE US FEEL A DRAFT SOON? , Reply #26 on: April 22, 2004, 03:44:24 PM, {www document} URL, http://discuss. agonist. org//? board=1%3Baction=display%3Bthreadid=18596%3Bstart=0,, Accessed November 28,2006.Greenberg, David. Rough Draft, The revive-conscription movement has history against it., 2003 {www document} URL http://www. slate. com/? id=2077346, Accessed November 28,2006 Millett, J. , The Organization and Role of the Army Service Forces.. Publisher: Office of the Chief of Military History, Washington, DC, 1954, p. 261 Schenck v. United States, 249 U. S. 47, 50-51 (1919) Selective Draft Law Cases 245 U. S. 366 (1918). Smolla, R. , The Constitutionality of Mandatory Public School Community Service Programs. Law and Contemporary Problems. Volume: 62. Issue: 4. Publication Year: 1999. p. 113

The Economic and Social Impact of Colonial Rule in India

The Economic and Social Impact of Colonial Rule in India Chapter 3 of Class Structure and Economic Growth: India & Pakistan since the Moghuls Maddison (1971) British imperialism was more pragmatic than that of other colonial powers. Its motivation was economic, not evangelical. There was none of the dedicated Christian fanaticism which the Portuguese and Spanish demonstrated in Latin America and less enthusiasm for cultural diffusion than the French (or the Americans) showed in their colonies. For this reason they westernized India only to a limited degree. British interests were of several kinds.At first the main purpose was to achieve a monopolistic trading position. Later it was felt that a regime of free trade would make India a major market for British goods and a source of raw materials, but British capitalists who invested in India, or who sold banking or shipping service there, continued effectively to enjoy monopolistic privileges. India also provided interesting and lucrati ve employment for a sizeable portion of the British upper middle class, and the remittances they sent home made an appreciable contribution to Britain's balance of payments and capacity to save.Finally, control of India was a key element in the world power structure, in terms of geography, logistics and military manpower. The British were not averse to Indian economic development if it increased their markets but refused to help in areas where they felt there was conflict with their own economic interests or political security. Hence, they refused to give protection to the Indian textile industry until its main competitor became Japan rather than Manchester, and they did almost nothing to further technical education.They introduced some British concepts of property, but did not push them too far when they met vested interests. The main changes which the British made in Indian society were at the top. They replaced the wasteful warlord aristocracy by a bureaucratic-military establish ment, carefully designed by utilitarian technocrats, which was very efficient in maintaining law and order. The greater efficiency of government permitted a substantial reduction in the fiscal burden, and a bigger share of the national product was available for landlords, capitalists and the new professional classes.Some of this upper class income was siphoned off to the UK, but the bulk was spent in India. However, the pattern of consumption changed as the new upper class no longer kept harems and palaces, nor did they wear fine muslins and damascened swords. This caused some painful readjustments in the traditional handicraft sector. It seems likely that there was some increase in productive investment which must have been near zero in Moghul India: government itself carried out productive investment in railways and irrigation and as a result there was a growth in both agricultural and industrial output.The new elite established a Western life-style using the English language and 1 English schools. New towns and urban amenities were created with segregated suburbs and housing for them. Their habits were copied by the new professional elite of lawyers, doctors, teachers, journalists and businessmen. Within this group, old caste barriers were eased and social mobility increased. As far as the mass of the population were concerned, colonial rule brought few significant changes. The British educational effort was very limited.There were no major changes in village society, in the caste system, the position of untouchables, the joint family system, or in production techniques in agriculture. British impact on economic and social development was, therefore, limited. Total output and population increased substantially but the gain in per capita output was small or negligible. It is interesting to speculate about India's potential economic fate if it had not had two centuries of British rule. There are three major alternatives which can be seriously considered. One would have been the maintenance of indigenous rule with a few foreign enclaves, as in China.Given the fissiparous forces in Indian society, it is likely that there would have been major civil wars in China in the second half of the nineteenth century and the first half of the twentieth century and the country would probably have split up. Without direct foreign interference with its educational system, it is less likely that India would have developed a modernizing intelligentsia than China because Indian society was less rational and more conservative, and the Chinese had a much more homogeneous civilization around which to build their reactive nationalism.If this situation had prevailed, population would certainly have grown less but the average standard of living might possibly have been a little higher because of the bigger upper class, and the smaller drain of resources abroad (1). Another alternative to British rule would have been conquest and maintenance of power by some oth er West European country such as France or Holland. This probably would not have produced results very different in economic terms from British rule.The third hypothesis is perhaps the most intriguing, i. e. conquest by a European power, with earlier accession to independence. If India had had self-government from the 1880s, after a century and a quarter of British rule, it is likely that both income and population growth would have been accelerated. There would have been a smaller drain of investible funds abroad, greater tariff protection, more state enterprise and favours to local industry, more technical training – the sort of things which happened after 1947.However, India would probably not have fared as well as Meiji Japan, because the fiscal leverage of government would have been smaller, zeal for mass education less, and religious and caste barriers would have remained as important constraints on productivity. Establishment of a New Westernized Elite The biggest chan ge the British made in the social structure was to replace the warlord aristocracy by an efficient bureaucracy and army. The traditional system of the East India Company had been to pay its servants fairly modest salaries, and to let them augment their income from 2 rivate transactions. This arrangement worked reasonably well before the conquest of Bengal, but was inefficient as a way of remunerating the officials of a substantial territorial Empire because (a) too much of the profit went into private hands rather than the Company's coffers, and (b) an overrapacious short-term policy was damaging to the productive capacity of the economy and likely to drive the local population to revolt, both of which were against the Company's longer-term interests. Clive had operated a ‘dual' system, i. e. Company power and a puppet Nawab.Warren Hastings displaced the Nawab and took over direct administration, but retained Indian officials. Finally, in 1785, Cornwallis created a professiona l cadre of Company servants who had generous salaries, had no private trading or production interests in India, enjoyed the prospect of regular promotion and were entitled to pensions (2). All high-level posts were reserved for the British, and Indians were excluded. Cornwallis appointed British judges, and established British officials as revenue collectors and magistrated in each district of Bengal.From 1806 the Company trained its young recruits in Haileybury College near London. Appointments were still organized on a system of patronage, but after 1833 the Company selected amongst its nominated candidates by competitive examination. After 1853, selection was entirely on merit and the examination was thrown open to any British candidate. The examination system was influenced by the Chinese model, which had worked well for 2,000 years and had a similar emphasis on classical learning and literary competence.The Indian civil service was therefore able to secure high quality people b ecause (a) it was very highly paid; (b) it enjoyed political power which no bureaucrat could have had in England. In 1829 the system was strengthened by establishing districts throughout British India small enough to be effectively controlled by an individual British official who henceforth exercised a completely autocratic power, acting as revenue collector, judge and chief of police (functions which had been separate under the Moghul administration). This arrangement later became the cornerstone of Imperial administration throughout the British Empire.As the civil service was ultimately subject to the control of the British parliament, and the British community in India was subject to close mutual surveillance, the administration was virtually incorruptible. The army of the Company was a local mercenary force with 20,000-30,000 British officers and troops. It was by far the most modern and efficient army in Asia. After the Mutiny in 1857, the size of the British contingent was rai sed to a third of the total strength and all officers were British until the 1920s when a very small number of Indians was recruited.Normally, the total strength of the army was about 200,000. This army was very much smaller than those of Moghul India,3 but had better training and equipment, and the railway network (which was constructed partly for military reasons) gave it greater mobility, better logistics and intelligence. The higher ranks of the administration remained almost entirely British until the 1920s when the Indian civil service examinations began to be held in India as well as the UK. 4 In 3 addition, there was a whole hierarchy of separate bureaucracies in which the higher ranks were British, i. e. he revenue, justice, police, education, medical, public works, engineering, postal and railway services as well as the provincial civil services. India thus offered highly-paid careers to an appreciable portion of the British middle and upper classes (particularly for its p eripheral members from Scotland and Ireland). From the 1820s to the 1850s the British demonstrated a strong urge to change Indian social institutions, and to Westernize India. 5 They stamped out infanticide and ritual burning of widows (sati). They abolished slavery and eliminated dacoits (religious thugs) from the highways.They legalized the remarriage of widows and allowed Hindu converts to Christianity to lay claim to their share of joint family property. They took steps to introduce a penal code (the code was actually introduced in 1861) based on British law, which helped inculcate some ideas of equality. ‘Under his old Hindu law, a Brahmin murderer might not be put to death, while a Sudra who cohabited with a high-caste woman would automatically suffer execution. Under the new law, Brahmin and Sudra were liable to the same punishment for the same offence (6).There was a strong streak of Benthamite radicalism in the East India Company administration (7). James Mill became a senior company official in 1819 after writing a monumental history of India which showed a strong contempt for Indian institutions (8). From 1831 to 1836 he was the chief executive officer of the E. I. C. and his son John Stuart Mill worked for the Company from 1823 to 1858. Malthus was professor of economics at Haileybury, and the teaching there for future company officials was strongly influenced by Utilitarianism. Bentham himself was also consulted on the reform of Indian institutions.The Utilitarians deliberately used India to try out experiments and ideas (e. g. competitive entry for the civil service) which they would have liked to apply in England. The Utilitarians were strong supporters of laissez-faire and abhorred any kind of state interference to promote economic development. Thus they tended to rely on market forces to deal with famine problems, they did nothing to stimulate agriculture or protect industry. This laissez-faire tradition was more deeply embedded in the I ndian civil service than in the UK itself, and persisted very strongly until the late 1920s.The administration was efficient and incorruptible, but the state apparatus was of a watchdog character with few development ambitions. Even in 1936, more than half of government spending was for the military, justice, police and jails, and less than 3 per cent for agriculture (9). One of the most significant things the British did to Westernize India was to introduce a modified version of English education. Macaulay's 1835 Minute on Education had a decisive impact on British educational policy and is a classic example of a Western rationalist approach to Indian civilization.Before the British took over, the Court language of the Moghuls was Persian and the Muslim population used Urdu, a mixture of Persian, Arabic and Sanskrit. Higher education was largely religious and stressed knowledge of Arabic and Sanskrit. The Company had given some 4 financial support to a Calcutta Madrassa (1781), and a Sanskrit college at Benares (1792), Warren Hastings, as governor general from 1782 to 1795 had himself learned Sanskrit and Persian, and several other Company officials were oriental scholars.One of them, Sir William Jones, had translated a great mass of Sanskrit literature and had founded the Asiatic Society of Bengal in 1785. But Macaulay was strongly opposed to this orientalism: â€Å"I believe that the present system tends, not to accelerate the progress of truth, but to delay the natural death of expiring errors. We are a Board for wasting public money, for printing books which are less value than the paper on which they are printed was while it was blank; for giving artificial encouragement to absurd history, absurd metaphysics, absurd physics, absurd theology †¦ I have no knowledge of either Sanskrit or Arabic †¦But I have done what I could to form a correct estimate of their value †¦ Who could deny that a single shelf of a good European library was worth t he whole native literature of India and Arabia †¦ all the historical information which has been collected from all the books written in the Sanskrit language is less valuable than what may be found in the most paltry abridgements used at preparatory schools in England. † For these reasons Macaulay had no hesitation in deciding in favour of English education, but it was not to be for the masses: â€Å"It is impossible for us, with our limited means to attempt to educate the body of the people.We must at present do our best to form a class who may be interpreters between us and the millions whom we govern; a class of persons, Indian in blood and colour, but English in taste, in opinions, in morals, and in intellect. To that class we may leave it to refine the vernacular dialects of the country, to enrich those dialects with terms of science borrowed from the Western nomenclature, and to render them by degrees fit vehicles for conveying knowledge to the great mass of the po pulation† (10). Until 1857 it was possible to entertain the view (as Marx id) that the British may eventually destroy traditional Indian society and Westernize the country (11). But activist Westernizing policies and the attempt to extend British rule by taking over native states whose rulers had left no heirs provoked sections of both the Hindu and Muslim communities into rebellion in the Mutiny of 1857. Although the Mutiny was successfully put down with substantial help from loyal Indian troops including the recently conquered Sikhs, British policy towards Indian institutions and society became much more conservative. The Crown took over direct responsibility and the East India Company was disbanded.The Indian civil service attracted fewer people with innovating ideas than had the East India Company and was more closely controlled from London. The British forged an alliance with the remaining native princes and stopped taking over new territory. Until the end of their rule a bout a quarter of the Indian population remained in quasiautonomous native states. These had official British residents but were fairly free in internal policy, and the effort of Westernization came to a standstill. 5 The education system which developed was a very pale reflection of that in the UK.Three universities were set up in 1857 in Calcutta, Madras and Bombay, but they were merely examining bodies and did no teaching. Higher education was carried out in affiliated colleges which gave a two-year B. A. course with heavy emphasis on rote learning and examinations. Drop-out ratios were always very high. They did little to promote analytic capacity or independent thinking and produced a group of graduates with a half-baked knowledge of English, but sufficiently Westernized to be alienated from their own culture. 12 It was not until the 1920s that Indian universities provided teaching facilities and then only for M. A. tudents. Furthermore, Indian education was of a predominantly literacy character and the provision for technical training was much less than in any European country. Education for girls was almost totally ignored throughout the nineteenth century. Because higher education was in English, there was no official effort to translate Western literature into the vernacular, nor was there any standardization of Indian scripts whose variety is a major barrier to multi-lingualism amongst educated Indians. Primary education was not taken very seriously as a government obligation and was financed largely by the weak local authorities.As a result, the great mass of the population had no access to education and, at independence in 1947, 88 per cent were illiterate. Progress was accelerated from the 1930s onwards, but at independence only a fifth of children were receiving any primary schooling. Education could have played a major role in encouraging social mobility, eliminating religious superstition, increasing productivity, and uplifting the status of wo men. Instead it was used to turn a tiny elite into imitation Englishmen and a somewhat bigger group into government clerks. Having failed to Westernize India, the British established themselves as a separate ruling caste.Like other Indian castes, they did not intermarry or eat with the lower (native) castes. Thanks to the British public-school system, their children were shipped off and did not mingle with the natives. At the end of their professional careers they returned home. The small creole class of Anglo-Indians were outcastes unable to integrate into Indian or local British society (13). The British kept to their clubs and bungalows in special suburbs known as cantonments and civil lines. They maintained the Moghul tradition of official pomp, sumptuary residences, and retinues of servants (14).They did not adopt the Moghul custom of polygamy, but remained monogamous and brought in their own women. Society became prim and priggish (15). The British ruled India in much the same way as the Roman consuls had ruled in Africa 2,000 years earlier, and were very conscious of the Roman paradigm. The elite with its classical education and contempt for business were quite happy establishing law and order, and keeping ‘barbarians' at bay on the frontier of the raj. 16 They developed their own brand of self-righteous arrogance, considering themselves purveyors not of popular but of good government.For them the word ‘British' lost its geographic connotation and became an epithet signifying moral rectitude. 6 The striking thing about the British raj is that it was operated by so few people. There were only 31,000 British in India in 1805 (of which 22,000 were in the army and 2,000 in civil government) (17). The number increased substantially after the Mutiny, but thereafter remained steady. In 1911, there were 164,000 British (106,000 employed, of which 66,000 were in the army and police and 4,000 in civil government) (18). In 1931, there were 168,000 (90, 000 employed, 60,000 in the army and police and 4,000 in civil overnment). They were a thinner layer than the Muslim rulers had been (never more than 0. 05 per cent of the population). Because of the small size of the administration and its philosophy of minimal government responsibility outside the field of law and order, India ended the colonial period with a very low level of taxation. The British had inherited the Moghul tax system which provided a land revenue equal to 15 per cent of national income, but by the end of the colonial period land tax was only 1 per cent of national income and the total tax burden was only 6 per cent.It is curious that this large reduction in the fiscal burden has passed almost without comment in the literature on Indian economic history. 19 On the contrary, emphasis is usually place on the heaviness of the tax burden, e. g. by D. Naoroji and R. C. Dutt. Most of the benefits of the lower fiscal burden were felt by landlords, and were not passed on t o the mass of the population. In urban areas new classes emerged under British rule, i. e. industrial capitalists and a new bourgeoisie of bureaucrats, lawyers, doctors, teachers and journalists whose social position was due to education and training rather than heredity.In the princely states, the remnants of the Moghul aristocracy continued their extravagances – large palaces, harems, hordes of retainers, miniature armies, ceremonial elephants, tiger hunts, and stables full of Rolls Royces. Agriculture The colonial government made institutional changes in agriculture by transforming traditionally circumscribed property rights into something more closely resembling the unencumbered private property characteristic of Western capitalism. The beneficiaries of these new rights varied in different parts of India.The top layer of Moghul property, the jagir, was abolished (except in the autonomous princely states), and the bulk of the old warlord aristocracy was dispossessed. Their previous income from land revenue, and that of the Moghul state, was now appropriated by the British as land tax. However, in the Bengal presidency (i. e. modern Bengal, Bihar, Orissa and part of Madras) the second layer of Moghul property rights belonging to Moghul tax collectors (zamindars) was reinforced (20). All zamindars in these areas now had hereditary status, so long as they paid their land taxes, and their judicial and administrative functions disappeared (21).In the Moghul period the zamindars had usually kept a tenth of the land revenue to themselves, but by the end of British rule their income from rents was a multiple of the tax they paid to the state. In Bihar, for instance, five-sixths of the total sum levied by 1950 was rent and only one-sixth revenue (22). 7 However, zamindars were not really the equivalent of Western landowners. Dominant families in each village remained as their ‘tenants-in-chief’ and continued to enjoy many of the old customary rig hts, i. e. they could not be evicted, their rights were heritable and their rental payments could not be raised easily.Lower-caste families were usually sub-tenants of the tenants-in-chief, rather than direct tenants of the zamindars. Often there were several layers of tenancy between the actual cultivator and the zamindar. Sub-tenants had less security and less defence against rack-renting than tenants-in-chief. It is worth noting that when zamindari rights were abolished around 1952 and the old zamindar rental income was converted into state revenue, the amount involved was only about 2 per cent of farm income in the relevant areas of India.This suggests that by the end of the colonial period, the zamindars were not able to squeeze as much surplus out of their chief tenants as is sometimes suggested. The typical zamindari estate at the end of British rule seems to have been very different from that at the end of the eighteenth century. In Bengal the total â€Å"number of landowne rs which did not exceed 100 in the beginning of Hasting's administration in 1772, rose in the course of a century to 154,200†. In 1872 there were 154,200 estates of which â€Å"533, or 0. 34 per cent, only are great properties with an area of 20,000 acres and upwards; 15,747, or 10. 1 per cent, range from 500 to 20,000 acres in area; while the number of estates which fell short of 500 acres is no less than 137,920, or 89. 44 per cent, of the whole† (23). Misra attributes this fall in the average size of zamindari properties to the fact that they could be inherited or sold freely, whereas the Moghul state wanted to keep the number small because zamindars had administrative functions under the Moghul Empire. Under the British, transfers became much more frequent, particularly into the hands of moneylenders.The moneylenders are frequently presented as squeezing out poor peasants and tenantry and thus promoting the concentration of wealth, but the evidence of what happened to zamindar estates suggests that village moneylenders may also have helped to break up concentrations of wealth (24). In the Madras and Bombay Presidencies, which covered most of Southern India, the British dispossessed many of the old Moghul and Mahratta nobility and big zamindars, and vested property rights and tax obligations in individual ‘peasants'.This settlement was known as the ryotwari (peasant tenure) system. However, the term peasant is misleading, because most of those who acquired land titles belonged to the traditionally dominant castes in villages. Lower-caste cultivators became their tenants. Thus there was no change in social structure at the village level, except that the new ownership rights gave greater opportunities for sale and mortgage, and the security of the tenant was less than it had been under the previous system. The change in legal status was limited by several factors.First of all, illiterate peasant did not always understand the new situation, and there were strong social ties in the joint family and the caste panchayats to prevent major deviations from old habits Secondly, the new administration was rather remote from 8 individual villages (with a district officer responsible for over a thousand villages), and many British administrators had a personal bias in favour of customary tenant rights because by maintaining them they could avoid political trouble. At a later stage, the government itself introduced a good deal of legislation to protect customary rights in response to peasant disturbances. 5 Land policy was, therefore, another instance of British policy of halfWesternization. The change from custom to contract was not nearly as sharp as that brought about in Japan by the Meiji land reforms. The British were more concerned with arrangements which would guarantee their revenue and not provoke too much political disturbance rather than in increasing productivity or introducing capitalist institutions. The Utilitarian s who dominated the Company from 1820 to 1850 would have liked to push in this direction, but they were displaced at mid-century by the paternalist conservatives f the Imperial raj.Nevertheless, there were some economic consequences of the new legal situation. Because of the emergence of clear titles, it was now possible to mortgage land. The status of moneylenders was also improved by the change from Muslim to British law. There had been moneylenders in the Moghul period, but their importance grew substantially under British rule, and over time a considerable amount of land changed hands through foreclosures (26). Over time, two forces raised the income of landowners. One of these was the increasing scarcity of land as population expanded. This raised land values and rents.The second was the decline in the incidence of land tax. Indian literature usually stresses the heavy burden of land tax in the early days of British rule, but the fact that it fell substantially over time is sel dom noted (27). The Moghul land tax was about 30 per cent of the crop, but by 1947 land tax was only 2 per cent of agricultural income. The fall was most marked in Bengal where the tax was fixed in perpetuity in 1793, but it was also true in other areas. As a result of these changes, there was not only an increase in village income but a widening of income inequality within villages.The village squirearchy received relatively higher incomes because of the reduced burden of land tax and the increase in rents; tenants and agricultural labourers may well have experienced a decline in income because their traditional rights were curtailed and their bargaining power was reduced by land scarcity. The class of landless agricultural labourers grew in size under British rule, but modern scholarship has shown that they were not a â€Å"creation† of the British (28). They were about 15 per cent of the rural population at the end of the eighteenth century, and about a quarter of the labo ur force now.Although these were important modifications in the village structure, the traditional hierarchy of caste was not destroyed. Income differentials widened, but the social and ritual hierarchy in villages did not change its character. Village society was not egalitarian in Moghul times, and in most cases those whose income rose in the British period were already socially dominant, although there were exceptions (29). Recent sociological studies, although they indicate 9 changes in the British period, also portray a village hierarchy in the 1940s and 1950s which cannot be very different from that in the Moghul period (30).We still find a dominant caste of petty landlords, an intermediate group of tenants, village artisans tied by jajmani relationships, a group of low-status labourers, untouchable menials with the whole held together by the same elaborate system of caste. One might have expected the legal changes introduced by the British to have had a positive effect on eff iciency. They removed the class of jagirdars who had no incentive to invest in agriculture, and gave land rights to rural capitalists who could buy and sell land fairly freely and enjoy an increasing portion of the product.Moneylenders helped to root out improvident or inefficient landowners. However, most farmers were illiterate and the government did not provide research or extension services, or encourage the use of fertilizers. Until recently, with the arrival of the tubewell, there were technical limits to the possibility of small-scale irrigation. There were also organizational difficulties in changing technique to improve productivity. The division of labour in the village and hereditary attitudes to work as a semi-religious ritual rather than a means to improve income were obstacles to change.Furthermore, a good many of the cultivating landowners whose income was increased were relatively poor and used their increased income for consumption rather than investment. Some of th ose who were better off probably improved their land or took over waste land, but as religion inculcated the idea that manual labour was polluting, some of them probably worked less (31). The big zamindars used some of their extra income to develop waste land, but many cultivated a life style rather like the old Moghul aristocracy and had a high propensity to consume. According to Raychaudhuri, â€Å"a zamindar's house with a hundred rooms was not exceptional†.Some of the enterprising ones probably transferred their savings out of agriculture into trade and industry or bought their children a Western-type education. Thus the effect of the change was to increase productivity and savings, but not much. During the period of British rule, agricultural production grew substantially in order to feed a population which grew from 165 million in 1757 to 420 million in 1947. The new system of land ownership offered some stimulus to increase output, and there was substantial waste land available for development. The colonial government made some contribution towards increased output through irrigation.The irrigated area was increased about eightfold, and eventually more than a quarter of the land of British India was irrigated. 33 Irrigation was extended both as a source of revenue and as a measure against famine. A good deal of the irrigation work was in the Punjab and Sind. The motive here was to provide land for retired Indian army personnel, many of whom came from the Punjab, and to build up population in an area which bordered on the disputed frontier with Afghanistan. These areas, which had formerly been desert, became the biggest irrigated area in the world and a major producer of wheat nd cotton, both for export and for sale in other parts of India. 10 Apart from government investment in irrigation, there was a substantial private investment, and by the end of British rule private irrigation investment covered nearly 25 million acres of British India. Impr ovements in transport facilities (particularly railways, but also steamships and the Suez canal) helped agriculture by permitting some degree of specialization on cash crops. This increased yields somewhat, but the bulk of the country stuck to subsistence farming. Plantations were developed for indigo, sugar, jute and tea.These items made a significant contribution to exports, but in the context of Indian agriculture as a whole, they were not very important. In 1946, the two primary staples, tea and jute, were less than 3. 5 per cent of the gross value of crop output. 34 Thus the enlargement of markets through international trade was less of a stimulus in India than in other Asian countries such as Ceylon, Burma or Thailand (35). Little was done to promote agricultural technology. There was some improvement in seeds, but no extension service, no improvement in livestock and no official encouragement to use fertilizer.Lord Mayo, the Governor General, said in 1870, â€Å"I do not kno w what is precisely meant by ammoniac manure. If it means guano, superphosphate or any other artificial product of that kind, we might as well ask the people of India to manure their ground with champagne† (36). Statistics are not available on agricultural output for the first century and a half of British rule, but all the indications suggest that there was substantial growth. We do not know whether output rose faster or more slowly than population, but it seems likely that the movements were roughly parallel.For the last half century of British rule, the main calculations of output are those by George Blyn. His first study, which has been widely quoted, was published in 1954 by the National Income Unit of the Indian government and showed only a 3 per cent increase in crop output in British India from 1893 to 1946, i. e. a period in which population increased 46 per cent! His second study, published in 1966 showed a 16. 6 per cent increase, and this, too, has been widely quot ed, but he also gives a ‘modified' series which shows a 28. 9 per cent increase.This seems preferable, as the official figures on rice yields in Orissa, which are corrected in his â€Å"modified† estimate, seem obviously in error. However, even Blyn's upper estimate is probably an understatement because he shows a very small increase in acreage. It is difficult to believe that per capita food output could have gone down as much as he suggests, whilst waste land remained unused. There has been a very big increase in the cultivated area since independence and it seems likely that the increase in the preceding half century was bigger than Blyn suggests.Therefore, my own estimate of crop output (Appendix B) for 1900-46, uses Blyn's figures on yields but assumes that the cultivated area rose by 23 per cent (Sivasubramonian's figure) rather than by 12. 2 per cent (Blyn's figure) (37). My estimate shows agricultural output rising about the same amount as population from 1900 t o 1946. However, even this may be too low. The basic reports on areas under cultivation are those provided by village accountants 11 (patwaris) in areas where land revenue was periodically changed, and by village watchmen (chowkidars) in areas where the land revenue was permanently settled.There was some incentive for farmers to bribe patwaris to under-report land for tax purposes, and chowkidars are all too often illiterate and drowsy people, who would usually report that things were normal, i. e. the same as the year before. There is, therefore, a tendency for under-reporting of both levels and rates of growth in areas covered by statistics, and the areas not covered by statistics were generally on the margin of cultivation and may have had a more steeply rising trend than the average area covered.Thus Blyn shows no growth in output in Bengal where the chowkidars did the basic reporting. He did not cover the Sind desert area in which the British built the huge Sukkur barrage in 19 32. Blyn was, of course, aware of these difficulties and tried to correct for them as far as possible, but the fundamental problems are not amenable to ‘statistical' manipulation but require ‘hunch' adjustment.My own conclusion from the evidence available is that agricultural output per head was at least as high at the end of British rule as it was in the Moghul period, and that rural consumption levels were somewhat higher because of the lower tax burden on agriculture, and the smaller degree of wastage which allowed surplus areas to sell their grains. This slight improvement in standards may have contributed to the expansion in population. However, agricultural yields and nutritional levels at independence were amongst the lowest in the world. Under British rule, the Indian population remained subject to recurrent famines and epidemic diseases.In 1876-8 and 1899-1900 famine killed millions of people. In the 1890s there was a widespread outbreak of bubonic plague and in 1919 a great influenza epidemic. It is sometimes asserted by Indian nationalist historians that British policy increased the incidence of famine in India, particularly in the nineteenth century (38). Unfortunately we do not have any figures on agricultural production for this period, and it is difficult to base a judgement merely on catalogues of famine years whose intensity we cannot measure. As agriculture was extended to more marginal land one would have expected output to become more volatile.But this was offset to a considerable extent by the major improvement in transport brought by railways, and the greater security of water supply brought by irrigation. It is noteworthy that the decades in which famines occurred were ones in which population was static rather than falling. 39 In the 1920s and 1930s there were no famines, and the 1944 famine in Bengal was due to war conditions and transport difficulties rather than crop failure. However, the greater stability after 1920 may have been partly due to a lucky break in the weather cycle40 rather than to a new stability of agriculture.British rule reduced some of the old checks on Indian population growth. The main contribution was the ending of internal warfare and local banditry. There was some reduction in the incidence of famine. The death rate was also reduced to some degree by making ritual suicide and infanticide illegal. The British contributed to public health by introducing smallpox vaccination, establishing Western medicine and training modern doctors, by killing rats, and establishing 12 quarantine procedures. As a result, the death rate fell and the population of India grew by 1947 to more than two-and-a-half times its size in 1757.Industry Several Indian authors have argued that British rule led to a de-industrialization of India. R. C. Dutt argued, â€Å"India in the eighteenth century was a great manufacturing as well as a great agricultural country, and the products of the Indian loom suppl ied the markets of Asia and Europe. It is, unfortunately, true that the East India Company and the British Parliament, following the selfish commercial policy of a hundred years ago, discouraged Indian manufacturers in the early years of British rule in order to encourage the rising manufactures of England.Their fixed policy, pursued during the last decades of the eighteenth century and the first decades of the nineteenth, was to make India subservient to the industries of Great Britain, and to make the Indian people grow raw produce only, in order to supply material for the looms and manufactories of Great Britain† (41). R. Palme Dutt, writing forty years later, argued that the process had been continuous: â€Å"the real picture of modern India is a picture of what has been aptly called â€Å"de-industrialization†that is, the decline of the old handicraft industry without the compensating advance of modern industry.The advance of factory industry has not overtaken the decay of handicraft. The process of decay characteristic of the nineteenth century has been carried forward in the twentieth century and in the post-war period† (42). Nehru, in his popular history is a conflation of the two Dutts, argued that the British deindustrialized India, and that this â€Å"is the real the fundamental cause of the appalling poverty of the Indian people, and it is of comparatively recent origin† (43).There is a good deal of truth in the deindustrialization argument. Moghul India did have a bigger industry than any other country which became a European colony, and was unique in being an industrial exporter in pre-colonial times. A large part of the Moghul industry was destroyed in the course of British rule. However, it is important to understand precisely how this deindustrialization came about and to try to get some idea of its quantitative significance in different periods.Oversimplified explanations, which exaggerate the role of British commer cial policy and ignore the role of changes in demand and technology, have been very common and have had some adverse impact on post-independence economic policy (44). Between 1757 and 1857 the British wiped out the Moghul court, and eliminated threequarters of the warlord aristocracy (all except those in princely states). They also eliminated more than half of the local chiefs (zamindars) and in their place established a bureaucracy with European tastes. The new rulers wore European clothes and shoes, drank imported beer, wines and spirits, and used European weapons.Their tastes were copied by the male members of the new Indian ‘middle class' which arose to act as their clerks and intermediaries. As a result of these political and social 13 changes, about three-quarters of the domestic demand for luxury handicrafts was destroyed. This was a shattering blow to manufacturers of fine muslins, jewellery, luxury clothing and footwear, decorative swords and weapons. It is not known how important these items were in national income, but my own guess would be that the home market for these goods was about 5 per cent of Moghul national income. The export market was probably another 1. per cent of national income, and most of this market was also lost. There was a reduction of European demand because of the change in sartorial tastes after the French revolution, and the greatly reduced price of more ordinary materials because of the revolution of textile technology in England. The second blow to Indian industry came from massive imports of cheap textiles from England after the Napoleonic wars. In the period 1896-1913, imported piece goods supplied about 60 per cent of Indian cloth consumption,45 and the proportion was probably higher for most of the nineteenth century.Home spinning, which was a spare-time activity of village women, was greatly reduced. A large proportion of village hand-loom weavers must have been displaced, though many switched to using factory i nstead of home-spun yarn. Even as late as 1940 a third of Indian piece goods were produced on hand looms (46). The new manufactured textile goods were considerably cheaper (47) and of better quality than hand-loom products, so their advent increased textile consumption. At the end of British rule, there can be no doubt that cloth consumption per head was substantially larger than in the Moghul period.We do not know how big an increase in textile consumption occurred, but if per capita consumption of cotton cloth doubled (which seems quite plausible), then the displacement effect on hand-loom weavers would have been smaller than at first appears. The hand-loom weavers who produced a third of output in 1940 would have been producing two-thirds if there had been no increase in per capita consumption. In time, India built up her own textile manufacturing industry which displaced British imports. But there was a gap of several decades before manufacturing started and a period of 130 year s before British textile imports were eliminated.India could probably have copied Lancashire's technology more quickly if she had been allowed to impose a protective tariff in the way that was done in the USA and France in the first few decades of the nineteenth century, but the British imposed a policy of free trade. British imports entered India duty free, and when a small tariff was required for revenue purposes Lancashire pressure led to the imposition of a corresponding excise duty on Indian products to prevent them gaining a competitive advantage. This undoubtedly handicapped industrial development.If India had been politically independent, her tax structure would probably have been different. In the 1880s, Indian customs revenues were only 2. 2 per cent of the trade turnover, i. e. the lowest ratio in any country. In Brazil, by contrast, import duties at that period were 21 per cent of trade turnover. 48 If India had enjoyed protection there is no doubt that its textile indus try would have started earlier and grown faster. 14 The first textile mills were started in the 1850s by Indian capitalists who had made their money trading with the British and had acquired some education in English.Cotton textiles were launched in Bombay with financial and managerial help from British trading companies. India was the first country in Asia to have a modern textile industry, preceding Japan by twenty years and China by forty years. Cotton mills were started in Bombay in 1851, and they concentrated on coarse yarns sold domestically and to China and Japan; yarn exports were about half of output. Modern jute manufacturing started about the same time as cotton textiles. The first jute mill was built in 1854 and the industry expanded rapidly in the vicinity of Calcutta. The industry was largely in the hands of foreigners (mainly Scots).Between 1879 and 1913 the number of jute spindles rose tenfold – much faster than growth in the cotton textile industry. The jute industry was able to expand faster than cotton textiles because its sales did not depend so heavily on the povertystricken domestic markets. Most of jute output was for export. Coal mining, mainly in Bengal, was another industry which achieved significance. Its output, which by 1914 had reached 15. 7 million tons, largely met the demands of the Indian railways. In 1911 the first Indian steel mill was built by the Tata Company at Jamshedpur in Bihar.However, production did not take place on a significant scale before the First World War. The Indian steel industry started fifteen years later than in China, where the first steel mill was built at Hangyang in 1896. The first Japanese mill was built in 1898. In both China and Japan the first steel mills (and the first textile mills) were government enterprises. Indian firms in industry, insurance and banking were given a boost from 1905 onwards by the swadeshi movement, which was a nationalist boycott of British goods in favour of Indian enterprise.During the First World War, lack of British imports strengthened the hold of Indian firms on the home market for textiles and steel. After the war, under nationalist pressure, the government started to favour Indian enterprise in its purchase of stores and it agreed to create a tariff commission in 1921 which started raising tariffs for protective reasons. By 1925, the average tariff level was 14 per cent49 compared with 5 per cent pre-war. The procedure for fixing tariffs was lengthy and tariff protection was granted more readily to foreign-owned than to Indian firms, but in the 1930s protection was sharply increased (50).The government was more willing to protect the textile industry when the threat came from Japan and not the UK. Between 1930 and 1934 the tariff on cotton cloth was raised from 11 to 50 per cent, although British imports were accorded a margin of preference. As a result of these measures, there was considerable substitution of local textiles for import s. In 1896, Indian mills supplied only 8 per cent of total cloth consumption; in 1913, 20 per cent; in 1936, 62 per cent; and in 1945, 76 per cent (51). By the latter date there were no imports of piece goods. 15Until the end of the Napoleonic wars, cotton manufactures had been India's main export. They reached their peak in 1798, and in 1813 they still amounted to ? 2 million, but thereafter they fell rapidly (52). Thirty years later, half of Indian imports were cotton textiles from Manchester. This collapse in India's main export caused a problem for the Company, which had to find ways to convert its rupee revenue into resources transferable to the UK. The Company therefore promoted exports of raw materials on a larger scale, including sugar, silk, saltpetre and indigo, and greatly increased exports of opium which were traded against Chinese tea.These dopepeddling efforts provoked the Anglo-Chinese war of 1842, after which access to the Chinese market was greatly widened. By the m iddle of the nineteenth century opium was by far the biggest export of India, and remained in this position until the 1880s when its relative and absolute importance began to decline. Another new export was raw cotton, which could not compete very well in European markets against higher quality American and Egyptian cottons, (except during the US Civil War), but found a market in Japan and China.Sugar exports were built up after 1833 when the abolition of slavery raised West Indian production costs, but India had no long-run comparative advantage in sugar exports. Indigo (used to dye textiles) was an important export until the 1890s when it was hit by competition from German synthetic dyes. The jute industry boomed from the time of the Crimean War onwards, when the UK stopped importing flax from Russia. In addition to raw jute (shipped for manufacture in Dundee) India exported jute manufactures. Grain exports were also built up on a sizeable scale, mainly from the newly irrigated ar ea of the Punjab.The tea industry was introduced to India from China and built up on a plantation basis. Tea exports became important from the 1860s onwards. Hides and skins and oil cake (used as animal feed and fertilizer) were also important raw material exports. Table 3-1 Level of Asian Exports f. o. b. 1850-1950 (million dollars) 1850 1913 1937 1950 Ceylon 5 76 124 328 China 24 294 516 (700) India 89 786 717 1,178 Indonesia 24 270 550 800 Japan 1 354 1,207 820 Malaya 24 193 522 1,312 Philippines n. a. 48 153 331 Thailand 3 43 76 304 Figures refer to customs area of the year concerned.In 1850 and 1913 the Indian area included Burma. The comparability of 1937 and 1950 figures is affected by the separation of Pakistan. Manufactured textile exports form India began to increase in the 1850s when the first modern mills were established. The bulk of exports were yarn and crude piece goods which were sold in China and Japan. As the Chinese and Japanese were prevented by colonial-type tr eaties from 16 imposing tariffs for manufactured imports they were wide open to Indian goods, and particularly cotton textiles and yarn.Indian jute manufactures were exported mainly to Europe and the USA However, India began to suffer from Japanese competition in the 1890s. Indian yarn exports to Japan dropped sharply from 8,400 tons in 1890 to practically nothing in 1898, and India also suffered from Japanese competition in China. The Japanese set up factories in China after the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-5. Before this, India had supplied 96 per cent of Chinese yarn imports, the UK 4 per cent, and Japan none. Within three years the Japanese were supplying a quarter to Chinese imports, and by 1914 India was exporting less yarn to China than was Japan.During the First World War Japan made further progress in the Chinese market and by 1924 supplied threequarters of Chinese imports. By 1928 India was exporting only 3 per cent of her yarn output. By the end of the 1930s, Indian exports of yarn to China and Japan had disappeared, piece goods exports had fallen off, and India imported both yarn and piece goods from China and Japan. Indian exports grew fairly rapidly in the period up to 1913, but their growth was slower than that of most other Asian countries which had a natural resource endowment offering greater opportunities for trade.As a consequence, in 1913, India had a smaller trade per head than most countries except China. Nevertheless, exports were 10. 7 per cent of national income, probably a higher ratio than has been reached before or since. Until 1898 India, like most Asian countries, was on the silver standard. In the 1870s the price of silver began to fall and the rupee depreciated against sterling. This led to some rise in the internal price level, but it helped to make Indian exports more competitive with those of the UK, e. g. in the Chinese textile market.In 1898, India adopted a gold exchange standard which tied the rupee to sterling at a fixed v alue of 15 to 1. This weakened her competitiveness vis-a-vis China which remained on a depreciating silver standard, but its potential adverse effects were mitigated because Japan went on to the gold exchange standard at the same time. During the First World War, when the sterling exchange rate was allowed to float, the rupee appreciated. Unfortunately, when sterling resumed a fixed (and overvalued) parity in 1925, the rupee exchange rate was fixed above the pre-war level.This overvaluation eased the fiscal problems of government in making transfers to the UK and enabled British residents in India, or those on Indian pensions in the UK, to get more sterling for their rupees, but it made it necessary for domestic economic policy to be deflationary (in cutting wages) and greatly hindered Indian exports, particularly those to or competing with China and Japan. As a result, Indian exports fell from 1913 to 1937, a poorer performance than that of almost any other country.At independence exports were less than 5 per cent of national income. If we look at Indian export performance from 1850 to 1950 it was worse than that of any other country 17 in Asia (see Table 3-1). The Second World War gave a fillip to Indian industrial output, but there was not much increase in capacity because of the difficulty of importing capital goods and the lack of a domestic capital goods industry. Many of the most lucrative commercial, financial, business and plantation jobs in the modern sector were occupied by foreigners.Although the East India Company's legally enforced monopoly privileges were ended in 1833, the British continued to exercise effective dominance through the system of ‘managing agencies'. These agencies, originally set up by former employees of the East India Company, were used both to manage industrial enterprise and to handle most of India's international trade. They were closely linked with British banks, insurance and shipping companies. Managing agencies had a quasi-monopoly in access to capital, and they had interlocking directorships which gave them control over supplies and markets (53).They dominated the foreign markets in Asia. They had better access to government officials than did Indians. The agencies were in many ways able to take decisions favourable to their own interests rather than those of shareholders. They were paid commissions based on gross profits or total sales and were often agents for the raw materials used by the companies they managed. Thus the Indian capitalists who did emerge were highly dependent on British commercial capital and many sectors of industry were dominated by British firms, e. . shipping, banking, insurance, coal, plantation crops and jute. Indian industrial efficiency was hampered by the British administration's neglect of technical education, and the reluctance of British firms and managing agencies to provide training of managerial experience to Indians. Even in the Bombay textile industry, wh ere most of the capital was Indian, 28 per cent of the managerial and supervisory staff were British in 1925 (42 per cent in 1895) and the British component was even bigger in more complex industries.This naturally raised Indian production costs (54). At lower levels there was widespread use of jobbers for hiring workers and maintaining discipline, and workers themselves were a completely unskilled group who had to bribe the jobbers to get and retain their jobs. There were also problems of race, language and caste distinctions between management, supervisors and workers (55). The small size and very diversified output of the enterprises hindered efficiency.It is partly for these reasons (and the overvaluation of the currency) that Indian exports had difficulty in competing with Japan. The basic limitations on the growth of industrial output were the extreme poverty of the rural population, and the fact that a large proportion of the elite had a taste for imported goods or exported t heir purchasing power. The government eventually provided tariff protection but did not itself create industrial plants, sponsor development banks, or give preference to local industry in allotting contracts.The banking system gave little help to industry and technical education was poor. Most of these things changed when India became independent except the first and most important, i. e. the extreme poverty of the rural population which limited the expansion of the 18 market for industrial goods. By the time of independence, large-scale factory industry in India employed less than 3 million people as compared with 12 1/4 million in small-scale industry and handicrafts, and a labour force of 160 million. 6 This may appear meagre, but India's per capita industrial output at independence was higher than elsewhere in Asia outside Japan, and more than half of India's exports were manufactures. British policy was less repressive to local industry than that of other colonial power, and ha d permitted the emergence of a small but powerful class of Indian entrepreneurs. It should be noted, however, that modern industry was heavily concentrated in Calcutta, Bombay and Ahmedabad. The area which was to become Pakistan had practically no industry at all.Table 3-2 Industrial Growth in the Last Half Century of British Rule Small-scale enterprise Employment Value added (thousands) (million 1938 rupees) 1900/1901 13,308 2,296 1945/1946 12,074 2,083 Factory establishments Employment Value added (thousands) (million 1938 rupees) 601 379 2,983 2,461 Source: S. Sivasubramonian, op. cit. , for employment and value added in factories. For small-scale enterprise I assume value added to move proportionately to employment. In the last half century of British rule the output of factory industry rose about six-fold (about 4. per cent a year) whereas the output of small-scale industry declined. Their joint output rose about two-thirds (1. 2 per cent a year), and per head of population, jo int output was rising by 0. 4 per cent a year. We know that output in the modern factory sector was zero in 1850, and if we assume that small enterprise output grew parallel with population from 1850 to 1900, then total industrial output would have grown by 0. 8 per cent a year in this period, or about 0. 3 per cent a year per head of population. Some increase seems plausible in this period of railway development and expanding international trade.It therefore seems possible that in the last century of British rule, per capita output of industrial goods rose by a third. But in the first century of British rule, i. e. 17571857, it seems certain that industrial output fell per head of population because (a) the home and domestic market for luxury goods was cut so drastically; (b) the home market for yarn and cheap cloth was invaded by foreign competition. Over the whole period of British rule it therefore seems likely that industrial output per head of the population was not significan tly changed.The Economic Burden of Foreign Rule The major burden of foreign rule arose from the fact that the British raj was a regime of expatriates. Under an Indian administration, income from government service would have accrued to the local inhabitants and not to foreigners. The diversion of upper-class income into the hands of foreigners 19 inhibited the development of local industry because it put purchasing power into the hands of people with a taste for foreign goods. This increased imports and was particularly damaging to the luxury handicraft industries.Another important effect of foreign rule on the long-run growth potential of the economy was the fact that a large part of its potential savings were siphoned abroad. This ‘drain' of funds from India to the UK has been a point of major controversy between Indian nationalist historians and defenders of the British raj. However, the only real grounds for controversy are statistical. There can be no denial that there wa s a substantial outflow which lasted for 190 years. If these funds had been invested in India they could have made a significant contribution to raising income levels.The first generation of British rulers was rapacious. Clive took quarter of a million pounds